The arms trade in the Persian Gulf experienced a drastic expansion in the mid-1890s, and emerged as an important issue for the polities around the Gulf. This study investigated the factors giving rise to and sustaining this trade. Analysis was conducted from the perspective of the attempts of the Qajar dynasty of Iran to suppress the trade on the Gulfs northern shore.

　The Qajar government’s initial suppressive attempts remained unsuccessful, revealing the two factors sustaining the trade: first, the complicated interests within the Qajar government concerning the profits from the trade, and second, the difficulty in regulation that arose from the trade's international nature, namely, the existence of Muscat as a "loophole." This situation led the Qajar government to cooperate with the British Empire. Besides strengthening the existing suppressive measures, the Qajar government permitted the British Navy's activities in its territorial waters. Furthermore, a joint Qajar-British request was communicated to the Muscat government in December 1897 asking for the introduction of more effective suppressive measures. However, the joint request did not bring about the expected result, although the various interests within the Qajar government had been reconfigured and ceased to promote the arms trade by that time. This was probably due to the trade's economic importance for the Muscat government, the Muscat government's treaty obligations to the other great powers, and the noncooperation of France. This failure guaranteed the continuation of the trade itself, which became less visible and accelerated the influx of modern arms into southern Iran.

　In conclusion, the author asserts that the development and the failure of the measures taken to suppress the Persian Gulf arms trade reflected not only the characteristics of the arms trade, but also the nature of the regional order of the Persian Gulf at that time.

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The practice of BAST is an interesting aspect of Qajar history (1779-1924) in Iran. The criminals and the oppressed who took sanctuary at such places as shrines of the Imams and their relatives, mosques, residences of the respected mojtaheds and sayyids, royal stables, and so forth, could be immune from any official punishments until some agreement was reached.
Since it was most generally observed during the Constitutional Period (1905-1911), when characteristically thousands of people rushed into the precinct of British Legation in order to attain their political goal, this practice seems to have been looked upon as essentially political, not as socio-religious one. However, if we scrutinize many examples of BAST scattered in the official histories written in the latter half of the 19th century, it will be known that in the understanding of this practice socio-religious elements are of crucial importance for in most cases the places chosen had something to do with those popularly regarded as “sacred and religious.”
In this paper, the author, while admitting the politico-legal elements as important determinants of BAST, will reflect its meanings from socioreligious aspects by putting particular emphasis on such factors as popular awe, belief, and social consensus toward it.

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本稿では,イラン・ヤズド州メイボド地域における1980年代以降のズィールー(綿絨毯)の衰退過程を,現役生産者32名への聞取り調査とメイボド・ズィールー生産者協同組合所蔵の資料調査に基いて検討した.生産量・生産者数ともに激減する中で,ズィールーの生産構造は,少数の主力生産者と多数の兼業者という二極分化が生じた.近年のズィールー生産の特徴の一つは,専業の生産者数がきわめて少なくなったということであり,もう一つの特徴は多くの生産者は日雇労働などと兼業でズィールーを生産するという多就業化である.このように,メイボド地域のズィールー生産は,本業から多就業の一選択肢へと位置づけが変化した.それは,ズィールー生産は単体では存在し得ず,多就業の一環として存続し得るにすぎなくなったことを意味する.そして,こうした多就業的なズィールー生産を可能としているのは,外的な要因としては,イランの経済構造の変化による臨時・日雇の就労機会の増加であり,内的な要因としては,ズィールー製織の柔軟性と産地の集積の利益としての組合の存在にある.

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According to Ibn Khaldun's the Muqqadima, “A sovereign's privileged symbol is his special paraphernalia. There is flag raising, beating of the drums and the blowing of trumpets and horns.” In a broad sense, nawba is the term used to designate a military musical band, but their early instruments were only drums. In other words, “beating drums” can replace nawba.
The research in medieval Islamic studies has tended to emphasize not nawba but khutba (the address from the minbar in the mosque) and sikka (coinage). This brief article aims at analyzing chronologically the formation and the development of nawba from the Buwayhid to the Saljuqid period.
According to the Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Edition), nawba has the purpose to announce the prayer time by beating a drum in the gateways of governor's palaces and residences. Under the 'Abbasid dynasty, only the caliph had this privilege. In 945 (or 946), when the Buwayhid's sovereign Ahmad (later his title is Mu'izz al-Dawla, d. 967) entered Baghdad, the capital of the 'Abbasid Caliphate, he demanded that drums be beaten in the palaces. As a result, the privilege of nawba was granted to Mu'izz al-Dawla, in the form of the three-fold nawba, excepting madina al-salam (Baghdad). The Buwayhid's sovereigns, that is amir al-umara', bestowed the right of nawba on his subjects, and this nawba became the custom after the Adud al-Dawla (d. 982) period.
In 1055, when the Saljuqid's sovereign Tughril-Bek (d. 1063) entered Baghdad, the Caliph bestowed the drum and trumpet upon him. With changes in the times, this right was granted to subjects. They freely beat their drums in the gateways of their residences or military tents to declare control over their domains. After that, in Persian the five-fold nawba (panj nowbat) came to mean insistence upon kingship.
In this way, during the medieval Islamic period, the nawba was an important factor in considering kingship.

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