The identification of the “Island of Qanbalu” has been one of the main issues since the beginning of East African studies.
Previous studies about this have tended to understand Qanbalu as a proper noun referring to a specific place. Thus, they have tried to discover its location by coordinating the descriptions in the written sources and evidence from such fields as archaeological research, geographical landscape, and Swahili etymology. However, this article criticises these methods as misguided, because very few of the authors on whom the researchers rely for their information about this island of Qanbalu had visited the East African coast themselves. Rather, this article proposes that these descriptions are a reflection of the geographical understanding of each author. This paper focuses on these descriptions using this hypothesis and proposes a new interpretation for the island of Qanbalu.
This article ascertains that through the eleventh century, all descriptions refer to Qanbalu as a centre along the east African coast. In addition to this, the evidence from several contemporary Arabic dictionaries and descriptions based on direct experience leads to the hypothesis that Qanbalu was originally a common noun applied to several entrepôts along the east African coast by sailors and merchants.
However, by authors without direct experience Qanbalu is described as single place, and moreover, from the twelfth century, on though this place-name is still mentioned as a centre, each author locates this island at different point and gives different physical characters. This change can be understood in light of the contemporary high concern with the Indian Ocean region.
After examination, the following is submitted as new interpretation: 1. originally Qanbalu was not a specific proper nown; 2. over time different authors have placed it in different locations, depending on their understanding of the map of the East African coast.

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Oman's political expansion into East Africa began in the middle of the 17th century. After the 19th century when the Omani Sultan established Zanzibar as the capital and also started permanently residing there, migration from Oman to East Africa accelerated. However, as the result of the Zanzibar revolution in 1964, in which many Arabs were killed, the succeeding aggravation of social and economic condition in East Africa, as well as the accession of Sultan Qabus to the throne in 1970 and his call for the return of Omanis abroad, many Omanis in East Africa returned to their homeland, Oman. These African Omanis formed one social category called "Zanjibari (Zanzibari)". This paper, based on my field data arising from interviews, explores the cultural and social aspects of the African Omani network. In chapter II, following a consideration of the historical and social relationship between Oman and East Africa, I examine how the dispersed social network of African Omanis was formed during the process of their departure from the Sharqiya region, migration to East Africa, and return to Oman. Neither connections with family in their homelands, nor the Arab identity were lost, despite the fact that they settled down in East Africa and became Swahilized. I further point out that the network of migration is crisscrossed between Muscat, the Sharqiya region and East Africa, composing of the ties of kinship and tribal relationships. In present-day Muscat, some spheres exist in which we can affirm the strong connection between Oman and East Africa. In chapter III, I examine the influence of African Omanis upon Oman since their return from East Africa from the viewpoints of culture, education and religion. African Omanis speak Swahili and eat Swahili food in Oman. Swahili is the second language spoken next to Arabic and Swahili food is widely accepted in Oman. They enter the Omani workforce as professionals. This is due to the fact that when many Omani immigrants in East Africa returned to Oman during the 1970s, higher education had not spread in Oman. Therefore, it was the educated African Omanis who contributed to Oman's nation-building, which suffered from serious shortages of manpower. African Omanis who could not find satisfactory education or jobs in Oman went abroad and expanded their networks. Lastly, as regards religion, some African Omanis provide financial assistance to develop Ibadi Islamic foundation in Zanzibar. Omani immigrants established communities in Africa, but their society disintegrated due to Zanzibar revolution, which was caused by historical contact with Britain. Omani immigrants moved to and within Africa and finally returned to Oman relying by kinship relations. The network based on kinship always reliably facilitated their migration. The networks which African Omanis built up brought Swahili culture to Oman and African Omanis now live in conjunction with both Omani Arab and Swahili cultures in Oman.

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This article aims to explore the ethnicity of African Omanis, comprising Swahili-speaking people with mixed African origins who returned to Oman after 1970 from East Africa, mainly Zanzibar, in relation to Arabness. Arabs are defined as Arabic speakers. However, various different levels of Arabness were revealed by examining who are/were known as Arabs in Zanzibar and Oman. In nineteenth-century Zanzibar, Arab was mainly used to refer to the old Swahili-speaking Omani immigrants who belonged to the affluent and politically privileged class, not the Hadrami Arabs or the new Omani immigrants who spoke Arabic. However, the ability to speak Arabic cannot serve as a determining factor of Arabness in contemporary Oman. Even the younger generations of African Omanis who were born in Oman and can speak fluent Arabic are not called Arabs, but Zanzibaris, even though they claim Arabness by referring to their genealogy, which is traced patrilineally. For native Omanis, Arabness is recognized based on language, blood, which cannot be traced in genealogy, and behavior. I demonstrate that a hierarchy and discrimination based on economic and political status existed within the Arabs in both areas and that, in contemporary Oman, the monolithic narrative of "Swahili-speaking, with mixed African blood" by the native Omanis obscures such hierarchy that existed within African Omanis in Africa.

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本稿の目的は, これまで十分に記述されてこなかったザンジバル (タンザニア) における預言者ムハンマドの生誕祭の様子と, この生誕祭でのタリーカ (スーフィー教団) の活動を報告することである。預言者生誕祭は, ムスリム (イスラーム教徒) にとって最も重要な行事の一つである。また, この行事ではイスラーム世界の大部分のタリーカが一斉に活動する。
19世紀後半, ザンジバルには様々なタリーカが到来し, 沿岸部や交易路における民衆レベルのイスラーム化に大きく貢献してきた。東アフリカに預言者生誕祭を持ち込んだのもタリーカであったが, 先行研究では預言者生誕祭やタリーカの活動実態については, ほとんど明らかにされてこなかった。
筆者がおこなった参与観察によると, ザンジバルの預言者生誕祭は預言者の生誕日から約3週間, 島内各地で開催された。各生誕祭は, 基本的に地域の有力者主催の儀礼と, その後に複数のタリーカがそれぞれ主催するズィクリ (神の名を繰り返し唱える修行) の2部構成であった。また, 先行研究には言及されてない新たなタリーカの存在も明らかとなった。

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Trade in East Africa is the so called “the long distance caravan trade”. It is different from the caravan trade of other areas; the Sahara, Arabia peninsular, Middle East, etc., because of the means of transportation. The transportation in East Africa depends on manpower, because the existence of tsetse flies prevents the use of animals for transportation. For this reason the trade caravan consisted of many thousands of people. The caravan trade was mainly for ivory. At first slavery was not the main item, but later it became a major item of the trade. The caravan trade had been started by African peoples, the Yao, Nyamweji, Kamba, about the first decade of the 19th century. They extended trade routes upcountry. Then Arab and Swahili caravan traders came into the scene in the third or fourth decades of the 19th century. The organization of the caravan trade came to need so much money, only Indian merchants were soon able to provide enough money for large caravans at that time. In the latter half of the 19th century the caravan trade became international. African, Arab, Swahili, and Indian traders took part in these caravans. Africans were mainly porters, Indians were financiers, Arab and Swahili traders were organizers and conducters. It could be said that the real owners of the trade caravans were Indian merchants. The significance of the caravan trade in the 19th century is that the first direct trade between the East African coast and the inland, which had no contact with each other before the 19th century, started. The inland regions were strongly influenced, e.g., the introduction of guns, the appearance of the Arab Settlements, the extention of Swahili language, the slave trade, the appearance of powerful African chiefs like Mirambo, Arab trade kingdoms like Tippu Tip ruling territories, and so on. As for the slave trade, since ancient times many African slaves were sent to Arabia, India, China, and other places. There is a record of a slave who came to Japan in the 16th century. It must be noted that the caravan trade in East Africa was one of the first movements to connect the East African coast with the inland regions, and brought an international economic element into the inland countries.

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琉球諸島におけるこれまでのクビワオオコウモリの地理的分布に関する情報を整理し，分布の変遷としてまとめた．クビワオオコウモリの生息する琉球諸島は，熱帯を中心に多様化しているオオコウモリ類においては分布の北限にあたる．このような分布の辺縁部は，時に生存が困難であり，一般に分布境界があいまいな地域になることが予想される．特に飛翔能力を有するコウモリ類においては分布境界を超える島嶼間の移動が比較的簡単に生じるだろう．本研究の結果，1）クビワオオコウモリは，自然分散と局所絶滅を繰り返しており，経時的に分布範囲がかなり変化していること，2）少なくとも沖縄諸島個体群（亜種オリイオオコウモリ）の個体数と分布は，現在増加・拡大傾向にあること，3）いくつかの島の個体群（特に基準亜種エラブオオコウモリ）は，八重山諸島からの人為的な輸送に起源する可能性があることが明らかとなった．動物の分布の変遷はこれまでに予想された以上に短期間に広い範囲で起こっており，一部は過去の人為的な輸送の影響を強く受けている可能性が示唆された．今後，少なくともクビワオオコウモリの保護に関しては，現在進行中の分布変化に加え，人為的な移入などの歴史的な背景を含めて，総合的に議論していく必要がある．

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東アフリカ海岸地方後背地における緩やかなイスラーム化は, この地域に顕著に見られる憑依霊信仰と密接に関連している。しかし, すべての精霊が, それによって憑依された者にイスラームヘの改宗を要請するというわけではない。ある一群の精霊が他と比較して格段に強力かつ危険と見なされており, これらによって憑依された人々が, 心身の病状の悪化を避けるべく, 多少なりともイスラーム的な生活を送ることを余儀なくされるのである。他方, イスラームヘの改宗者たちのなかには, 病院における病気治療の失敗や, 学校教育からの疎外といった経験に言及する人々がいる。本稿では, カウマ社会における改宗者たちへの聞き取り調査に基づいて, 改宗の意味づけに一定のパターンを認めうることを示すとともに, イスラームヘの改宗が求められる憑依霊と, 病院や学校教育からの疎外という経験が相応する歴史的関係の一端を解きほぐすべく検討を試みる。

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How did the traders change themselves in order to continue their business in the nineteenth century Indian Ocean when the West took her under its influence? This article chooses the distributors of the slave towards the Oman-Persian Gulf area from the East African coast as the case study and examines following subjects ; 1. Who did distribute slaves? 2. How did they change themselves between 1850s and early 1860s in order to continue their activity when British anti-slave trade campaign began to progress over the western Indian Ocean? The results of the examination are follows ; 1. Transport of slave took place not solely, but together with other trading articles, such as salt and wooden poles, contrary to some of contemporary documents which regarded the people transporting such articles with slaves as "Slaver". Both Oman-Persian area and east African coast needed the articles conveyed by these distributors, because they made up for deficiencies which were based on each natural environment. One can recognise that these couple of areas were connected each other by the articles conveyed by them. Of course, these distributors brought slaves from east African coast to the Oman-Persian area ; however, it is a part of their activities. Moreover, it is the traditional structure of the Indian Ocean world repeated by historians that the different areas connected each other with such exchange indicates. in other words, such traditional structure of the Indian Ocean still functioned in the 19^<th> century, despite that some scholars argue that it was destroyed in this period. If one call these people who made efforts to continue their slave dealing as slaver, (s) he shall put the responsibility for making such slaver to the British anti-slave trade activity. 2. The distributors changed themselves as follows ; firstly, as British anti-slave trade campaign progressed, they began to unite closely each other in order to continue their conveyance of slaves, though this article had been just one of the articles which they transported. In addition, they paid attention to the diplomatic affairs concerning to the slave trade, and utilised anti-slave trade treaties finding these loopholes. Such behaviour is impracticable unless they made themselves subordinate to the treaties, there fore one shall evaluate such behaviour as a form of the strategic subordination to the orders created by the Britain at this period.

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