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  • 鈴木 英明
    オリエント
    2005年 48 巻 1 号 154-170
    発行日: 2005/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The identification of the “Island of Qanbalu” has been one of the main issues since the beginning of East African studies.
    Previous studies about this have tended to understand Qanbalu as a proper noun referring to a specific place. Thus, they have tried to discover its location by coordinating the descriptions in the written sources and evidence from such fields as archaeological research, geographical landscape, and Swahili etymology. However, this article criticises these methods as misguided, because very few of the authors on whom the researchers rely for their information about this island of Qanbalu had visited the East African coast themselves. Rather, this article proposes that these descriptions are a reflection of the geographical understanding of each author. This paper focuses on these descriptions using this hypothesis and proposes a new interpretation for the island of Qanbalu.
    This article ascertains that through the eleventh century, all descriptions refer to Qanbalu as a centre along the east African coast. In addition to this, the evidence from several contemporary Arabic dictionaries and descriptions based on direct experience leads to the hypothesis that Qanbalu was originally a common noun applied to several entrepôts along the east African coast by sailors and merchants.
    However, by authors without direct experience Qanbalu is described as single place, and moreover, from the twelfth century, on though this place-name is still mentioned as a centre, each author locates this island at different point and gives different physical characters. This change can be understood in light of the contemporary high concern with the Indian Ocean region.
    After examination, the following is submitted as new interpretation: 1. originally Qanbalu was not a specific proper nown; 2. over time different authors have placed it in different locations, depending on their understanding of the map of the East African coast.
  • 小田 英郎
    オリエント
    1971年 14 巻 1 号 163-167
    発行日: 1971年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ─生産地と消費地を結ぶ諸アクターの経済活動の分析をもとに─
    藤本 麻里子
    アフリカ研究
    2015年 2015 巻 87 号 37-49
    発行日: 2015/05/31
    公開日: 2016/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    ダガーとはスワヒリ語で小魚の総称であり,タンザニアの各地で地域固有のダガーが漁獲され,干物として幅広く流通している。近年,タンザニアの周辺諸国でダガーの需要が急激に高まっており,それに伴ってザンジバル島ではインド洋産ダガーのコンゴ民主共和国への輸出産業が拡大している。本稿では,漁獲から出荷までの各段階においてダガー産業を担うアクターたちの経済活動を分析した。ダガーを買付けて加工し,商人に販売する仲買人には3つのタイプが存在した。ダガー漁師と,3タイプの仲買人たちとの間には,自然条件によって生じる様々なリスクを共有し合うことで築かれる一種の連帯が見られた。また,仲買人と商人との間では信用取引が行われ,継続的な取引を促進させる機能を果たしていた。急激な需要増大で突如沸き起こったダガー産業を支えていたのは,各アクター間の互酬的な取引関係だった。しかし,ダガー産業が成熟するにつれ,新たなアクターも出現してきた。直接取引の場合でも,商人に比べて半分程度の仲買人の利益は,中間商の台頭に脅かされ始めている。自己の利益の最大化を目指す中間商の出現は,ダガー産業を成り立たせてきたアクター間の関係に亀裂を入れかねない。
  • 松浦 光利
    航海
    1976年 50 巻 33-36
    発行日: 1976/11/20
    公開日: 2017/07/12
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • スワヒリ語話者の言語意識調査から
    竹村 景子
    アフリカ研究
    1999年 1999 巻 55 号 1-20
    発行日: 1999/12/20
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    There have been many papers which have analyzed the multilingual situation in Tanzania, especially the relation between Swahili and English, on the one hand, and between Swahili and other ethnic languages on the other; in particular since the country's independence. Today Swahili, other than English or any other ethnic languages, is used in most functions in Tanzania. It is therefore true to say that Swahili has been given a high prestige as the National Language.
    But, when we say ‘Swahili’ what variety of the language do we mean? The variety that is used in so-called official situations, such as in education, mass communication etc., is called ‘Standard Swahili’ (or ‘Kiswahili Sanifu’ in Swahili). However, not enough analysis has been done concerning the relation between Kiswahili Sanifu and the other Swahili dialects, how it has influenced them or been influenced by them at both the phonological and lexical levels. Furthermore, the Swahili speakers' knowledge and attitudes to Kiswahili Sanifu has not been the subject of much discussion.
    The aim of this paper, then, is to analyse language use and language attitudes in the coastal areas where Swahili is the predominant language. We chose Zanzibar and Pemba Islands as the main research areas because they have many dialects that have not been well researched. We used a questionnaire of 28 questions, and interviewed 100 informants who were native Swahili speakers. The questions basically dealt with the speakers' language use and language attitudes, and especially the way they saw the relationship and differences between Kiswahili Sanifu and their own speech varieties.
    Our findings show that there are big differences in perceptions of the speakers concerning the language they use, and their attitudes towards Kiswahili Sanifu, depending on their place of birth, their present place of residence, their education, their occupation, and so on. Although they acknowledge that they speak Swahili, they are not very clear on the relationship between their variety of Swahili and other varieties sharing the same designation. At the same time there seems to be a complex inter-twining of the different dialects in actual use, but it is an issue that requires further research.
  • 東アフリカにおける分権化の位相
    笹岡 雄一
    国際政治
    2011年 2011 巻 165 号 165_97-110
    発行日: 2011/07/25
    公開日: 2013/08/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    In low-income countries, more attention is being paid to the relationship between decentralization and conflict. The collapse of centralized political systems and the rise of identity group politics in the 1990s, facing various types of inequality and social confusion, have induced researchers and development agency to conduct new studies and questioned how decentralization could work for the purpose of conflict prevention. Therefore, this paper reviews the relationship between decentralization and conflict prevention in Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya as a case study.
    Analyzing various issues such as the relationship between democratization and decentralization, the effect of conflict prevention, stateness and federalism, and ethnic groups and politics, the paper concludes that decentralization in these countries has some conflict preventive effects, but there are some supplementary factors. They are related to ethnic group characteristics, historical socio-political structure, structure and mode of behavior of political party and the support from the citizens.
    Key observations are summarized as below. First, majoritarian parliamentary democracy has the risk of political instability, if it is linked with inequality of the ethnic groups and other historical conditions. Decentralization and autonomy have been seen as ways to keep one group from monopolizing state power. Decentralization can be facilitated under one party or virtual one party system which pretends to encourage democratization. Decentralization supports democratization trends from the bottom of the society, and at the same time, contributes to forming a national patronage network linking the center and local. Conflict tends to be localized as long as ruling party thrives in the country.
    Second, decentralization brings in the stability, when it is firmly supported by the historical state-building process. While Kenya and Tanzania formed the stable national boundary due to the harsh competition of suzerainty states, the boundary of Uganda had been created by the England, and great disparity existed among ethnic groups. Furthermore, strong authority in ethnic groups was derived from the kingdom of Buganda in Uganda and the kingdom of Arab in Zanzibar respectively after the independence, while other ethnic groups resisted it. It is Zanzibar, not Buganda that enjoyed special status of autonomy, and this different treatment of two groups could explain a large extent of today's conflict risks in two countries.
    Third, devolution can convince people of creating new political legitimacy, which can eliminate all the suppressive systems derived from colonialism and stabilize the society. Devolution in Uganda and Tanzania was welcomed by the villagers because this did not resemble chief system in the past. Kenya did not introduce devolution system until recently, because chief system backed up the centralistic provincial administration system.
  • 大川 真由子
    日本中東学会年報
    2003年 19 巻 2 号 49-72
    発行日: 2004/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Oman's political expansion into East Africa began in the middle of the 17th century. After the 19th century when the Omani Sultan established Zanzibar as the capital and also started permanently residing there, migration from Oman to East Africa accelerated. However, as the result of the Zanzibar revolution in 1964, in which many Arabs were killed, the succeeding aggravation of social and economic condition in East Africa, as well as the accession of Sultan Qabus to the throne in 1970 and his call for the return of Omanis abroad, many Omanis in East Africa returned to their homeland, Oman. These African Omanis formed one social category called "Zanjibari (Zanzibari)". This paper, based on my field data arising from interviews, explores the cultural and social aspects of the African Omani network. In chapter II, following a consideration of the historical and social relationship between Oman and East Africa, I examine how the dispersed social network of African Omanis was formed during the process of their departure from the Sharqiya region, migration to East Africa, and return to Oman. Neither connections with family in their homelands, nor the Arab identity were lost, despite the fact that they settled down in East Africa and became Swahilized. I further point out that the network of migration is crisscrossed between Muscat, the Sharqiya region and East Africa, composing of the ties of kinship and tribal relationships. In present-day Muscat, some spheres exist in which we can affirm the strong connection between Oman and East Africa. In chapter III, I examine the influence of African Omanis upon Oman since their return from East Africa from the viewpoints of culture, education and religion. African Omanis speak Swahili and eat Swahili food in Oman. Swahili is the second language spoken next to Arabic and Swahili food is widely accepted in Oman. They enter the Omani workforce as professionals. This is due to the fact that when many Omani immigrants in East Africa returned to Oman during the 1970s, higher education had not spread in Oman. Therefore, it was the educated African Omanis who contributed to Oman's nation-building, which suffered from serious shortages of manpower. African Omanis who could not find satisfactory education or jobs in Oman went abroad and expanded their networks. Lastly, as regards religion, some African Omanis provide financial assistance to develop Ibadi Islamic foundation in Zanzibar. Omani immigrants established communities in Africa, but their society disintegrated due to Zanzibar revolution, which was caused by historical contact with Britain. Omani immigrants moved to and within Africa and finally returned to Oman relying by kinship relations. The network based on kinship always reliably facilitated their migration. The networks which African Omanis built up brought Swahili culture to Oman and African Omanis now live in conjunction with both Omani Arab and Swahili cultures in Oman.
  • 農業発展と農業機械化について
    米山 正博, 辻本 寿之, 櫻井 文海, 山口 浩司
    農業機械学会誌
    1998年 60 巻 1 号 121-125
    発行日: 1998/01/01
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 熱帯農業
    1962年 5 巻 3 号 105-126
    発行日: 1962/03/05
    公開日: 2010/03/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 川谷 豊彦, 大野 忠郎
    熱帯農業
    1969年 12 巻 3-4 号 168-176
    発行日: 1969/03/31
    公開日: 2010/03/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 菊地 滋夫
    民族學研究
    1999年 64 巻 3 号 273-294
    発行日: 1999/12/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    東アフリカ海岸地方後背地における緩やかなイスラーム化は, この地域に顕著に見られる憑依霊信仰と密接に関連している。しかし, すべての精霊が, それによって憑依された者にイスラームヘの改宗を要請するというわけではない。ある一群の精霊が他と比較して格段に強力かつ危険と見なされており, これらによって憑依された人々が, 心身の病状の悪化を避けるべく, 多少なりともイスラーム的な生活を送ることを余儀なくされるのである。他方, イスラームヘの改宗者たちのなかには, 病院における病気治療の失敗や, 学校教育からの疎外といった経験に言及する人々がいる。本稿では, カウマ社会における改宗者たちへの聞き取り調査に基づいて, 改宗の意味づけに一定のパターンを認めうることを示すとともに, イスラームヘの改宗が求められる憑依霊と, 病院や学校教育からの疎外という経験が相応する歴史的関係の一端を解きほぐすべく検討を試みる。
  • 中本 敦
    哺乳類科学
    2017年 57 巻 2 号 267-284
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    琉球諸島におけるこれまでのクビワオオコウモリの地理的分布に関する情報を整理し,分布の変遷としてまとめた.クビワオオコウモリの生息する琉球諸島は,熱帯を中心に多様化しているオオコウモリ類においては分布の北限にあたる.このような分布の辺縁部は,時に生存が困難であり,一般に分布境界があいまいな地域になることが予想される.特に飛翔能力を有するコウモリ類においては分布境界を超える島嶼間の移動が比較的簡単に生じるだろう.本研究の結果,1)クビワオオコウモリは,自然分散と局所絶滅を繰り返しており,経時的に分布範囲がかなり変化していること,2)少なくとも沖縄諸島個体群(亜種オリイオオコウモリ)の個体数と分布は,現在増加・拡大傾向にあること,3)いくつかの島の個体群(特に基準亜種エラブオオコウモリ)は,八重山諸島からの人為的な輸送に起源する可能性があることが明らかとなった.動物の分布の変遷はこれまでに予想された以上に短期間に広い範囲で起こっており,一部は過去の人為的な輸送の影響を強く受けている可能性が示唆された.今後,少なくともクビワオオコウモリの保護に関しては,現在進行中の分布変化に加え,人為的な移入などの歴史的な背景を含めて,総合的に議論していく必要がある.

  • 大川 真由子
    日本中東学会年報
    2008年 24 巻 1 号 75-101
    発行日: 2008/09/25
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article aims to explore the ethnicity of African Omanis, comprising Swahili-speaking people with mixed African origins who returned to Oman after 1970 from East Africa, mainly Zanzibar, in relation to Arabness. Arabs are defined as Arabic speakers. However, various different levels of Arabness were revealed by examining who are/were known as Arabs in Zanzibar and Oman. In nineteenth-century Zanzibar, Arab was mainly used to refer to the old Swahili-speaking Omani immigrants who belonged to the affluent and politically privileged class, not the Hadrami Arabs or the new Omani immigrants who spoke Arabic. However, the ability to speak Arabic cannot serve as a determining factor of Arabness in contemporary Oman. Even the younger generations of African Omanis who were born in Oman and can speak fluent Arabic are not called Arabs, but Zanzibaris, even though they claim Arabness by referring to their genealogy, which is traced patrilineally. For native Omanis, Arabness is recognized based on language, blood, which cannot be traced in genealogy, and behavior. I demonstrate that a hierarchy and discrimination based on economic and political status existed within the Arabs in both areas and that, in contemporary Oman, the monolithic narrative of "Swahili-speaking, with mixed African blood" by the native Omanis obscures such hierarchy that existed within African Omanis in Africa.
  • タンザニア・ザンジバルの「真っ赤なキス・マサイ」を事例に
    井上 真悠子
    アフリカ研究
    2010年 2010 巻 76 号 17-30
    発行日: 2010/03/31
    公開日: 2013/10/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    東アフリカ・タンザニアの島嶼部ザンジバルには,1980年代から始まった観光化にともない,多くの若者がタンザニア本土部からみやげ物業に従事するために渡ってきている。現在ザンジバルにおいてみやげ物用の絵を描いている画家の多くも,本土部から移動してきた者たちである。これまで,非西洋地域におけるみやげ物芸術に関する研究では,主な消費者である西洋諸国とのかかわりや,観光文化としての文化の再創造といった視点からの研究蓄積がある。しかし,観光化する現代アフリカ社会に生きる人々がどのように技術を共有しながら主体的に観光文化としてのみやげ物を生み出しているのか,その内発的なプロセスは等閑視されがちであった。本稿では,みやげ物絵画をつくる人たちの実践に焦点を当て,特にザンジバルにおける真っ赤な「キス・マサイ」という新しいみやげ物絵画の技法・スタイルの創出と模倣のプロセスに注目する。そして,グローバル化・観光化のなかに生きる人々がどのようにしてつながり,技術を伝達し,新たなみやげ物絵画のスタイルを創り出しているのか,その内発的な創出・拡散の動態を解明することを目的とする。
  • 藤井 千晶
    アフリカ研究
    2008年 2008 巻 72 号 43-51
    発行日: 2008/03/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿の目的は, これまで十分に記述されてこなかったザンジバル (タンザニア) における預言者ムハンマドの生誕祭の様子と, この生誕祭でのタリーカ (スーフィー教団) の活動を報告することである。預言者生誕祭は, ムスリム (イスラーム教徒) にとって最も重要な行事の一つである。また, この行事ではイスラーム世界の大部分のタリーカが一斉に活動する。
    19世紀後半, ザンジバルには様々なタリーカが到来し, 沿岸部や交易路における民衆レベルのイスラーム化に大きく貢献してきた。東アフリカに預言者生誕祭を持ち込んだのもタリーカであったが, 先行研究では預言者生誕祭やタリーカの活動実態については, ほとんど明らかにされてこなかった。
    筆者がおこなった参与観察によると, ザンジバルの預言者生誕祭は預言者の生誕日から約3週間, 島内各地で開催された。各生誕祭は, 基本的に地域の有力者主催の儀礼と, その後に複数のタリーカがそれぞれ主催するズィクリ (神の名を繰り返し唱える修行) の2部構成であった。また, 先行研究には言及されてない新たなタリーカの存在も明らかとなった。
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