The front of the Cathedra of Maximianus in Ravenna is adorned with ivory panels representing five standing figures. The central figure is identified as St. John the Baptist. But this figure type of John, wearing a long tunic and a fur mantle and holding an imago clipeata with the Lamb of God, is quite unprecedented. This figure type, which is applied not only to the figures of John the Baptist but also to that of Elijah (mosaics in Sinai), seems to emphasize their ascetic nature. Conceivably it originated in the sixth century from the attire of a monk in a melote. The Lamb of God on the imago clipeata in his left hand is certainly related to John's words, "Behold the Lamb of God" (John, 1 : 29). An imago clipeata, both in the Roman imperial and Christian art, signifies the epiphany of the depicted personage. Thus John the Baptist on the Cathedra is nothing but the representation of the Prodromos who completed the Epiphany of Christ. The fact that John the Baptist is represented here as a monk holding an icon seems to suggest a close connection between the Byzantine monasticism and the cult of icons before the Iconoclasm.

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The Cathedra of Maximianus in Ravenna is adorned on its front by ivory panels representing five standing figures. The central figure is identified as St. John the Baptist. But this figure type of John, wearing a long tunic and a fur mantle and holding an imago clipeata with the Lamb of God, is quite unprecedented. This figure type, which is applied not only to the figures of John the Baptist but also to that of Elijah (mosaics in Sinai), seems to emphasize their ascetic nature. Conceivably it originated in the sixth century from the attire of a monk in a melote. The Lamb of God on the imago clipeata in his left hand is certainly related to John's words, "Behold the Lamb of God" (John 1 : 29). An imago clipeata, both in the Roman imperial and Christian art, signifies the epiphany of the depicted personage. Thus John the Baptist on the Cathedra is none but the representation of the Prodromos, who completed the Epiphany of Christ. The fact that John the Baptist is represented here as a monk holding an icon seems to suggest a close connexion between the Byzantine monasticism and the cult of icons before the Iconoclasm.

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Aquileia fu fondata comme una colonia latina a nord dell' Adriatico nel 181 a.C. La citta era al nodo delle vie che collegavano il Mediterraneo con le Alpi e l'Italia con il Danubio; essa prospero per cento anni ma ella declino nel Medioevo e ora e una zona rurale. Dunque possiamo conoscerla non solo negli scritti antichi ma anche dalle iscrizioni e dai resti negli scavi. Aquileia e un ottimo sito per studiare la citta tardo-antica. Nella citta e nella sua periferia, tre iscrizioni attribuite a Diocleziano sono state scoperte. Un'iscrizione le fu dedicata da un governatore (CIL 5.8205 = Ins.It.10.4.330). Anche altri governatori le dedicarono delle iscrizioni (p.e. CIL 5.2817 = ILS 614; CIL 11.1594), dunque questa cosa non e insolita. Altre due iscrizioni furono dedicate agli dei, Apollo Beleno e Sol, da Diocleziano e dal suo collega Massimiano (CIL 5.732 = ILS 625 = Inscriptiones Aquileiae 127; CIL 5.803 = ILS 624 = Inscriptiones Aquileiae 354). In un'altra citta italiana, una sola altra iscrizione dedicata a un dio da un imperatore e stata scoperta (CIL 10.5576), e le due iscrizioni di Aquileia restano singolari. Alcuni storici considerano queste iscrizioni come fonti storiche che testimoniano le manifestazioni religiose imperiali durante la persecuzione dei Cristiani iniziata nel 303 d.C. Altri mettono le iscrizioni in relazione con il carattere della citta di Aquileia. In altre parole, poiche Aquileia era un luogo di soggiorno imperiale o un centro amministrativo, gli imperatori le dedicarono delle iscrizioni. Ma le iscrizioni furono dedicate prima del 293 d.C., perche Costanzo Cloro e Galerio non furono dedicatori. Quindi essi non riflettono direttamente la persecuzione. Inoltre, non e davvero sicuro che Aquileia fosse un luogo di soggiorno imperiale o un centro amministrativo. Sulla base di "Aquileiense palatium" in Panegyrici Latini VII.6.2 si dice che la citta era un luogo di soggiorno imperiale. Pero le rovine del palazzo non sono state ritrovate. E ancora, Diocleziano fu nella parte est dell'impero, e Massimiano combatte in Gallia e Africa e soggiorno ad Aquileia solo a partire dal 296 d.C. Oltre a cio, secondo una ricerca recente, Aquileia fu un centro amministrativo solo nella seconda meta del 4° secolo. In conseguenza e difficile pensare che le iscrizioni le furono dedicate perche la citta fu un luogo di soggiorno imperiale o un centro amministrativo. Nella iscrizione dedicata a Apollo Beleno, "Apollo" e un dio famoso, ma "Beleno" e molto singolare. Beleno era celtico. Molte iscrizioni a lui dedicate sono state scoperte ad Aquileia, e si dice che la citta era un centro di culto. Beleno era originariamente un dio della salute ma acquisto un nuovo carattere nella prima meta del 3° secolo. Nel 238 d.C. Aquileia fu dalla parte del Senato che si rivolto contro Massimino il Trace. L'imperatore accerchio la citta sulla strada per Roma, e gli abitanti di Aquileia combatterono contro le truppe imperiali. Secondo Herodiano 8.3.8., Beleno non solo promise la vittoria della citta, ma anche spesso apparve sul campo di battaglia e combatte per essa. Come risultato Beleno acquisto il carattere di divinita tutelare della citta. La situazione fu simile nel 4° secolo. Durante il regno di Giuliano l'Apostata, quando le truppe si ribellarono ad Aquileia. La rivolta fu repressa e due consiglieri municipali furono giustiziati per la loro partecipazione (Ammianus Marcellinus 21.12.20). La citta fu importante nella strategia, e la collaborazione degli habitanti fu indispensabile per difendere la citta. Dunque Diocleziano dedico l'iscrizione a Beleno per assicurarsi la lealta degli abitanti di Aquileia. L'altra iscrizione dedicata a Sol fu per le truppe. Aquileia fu situata in un punto strategico, dove i soldati passavano frequentemente. Poiche Mitra, a cui Sol era equiparata, era popolare tra i soldati,

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Following the Social War, Italian cities enjoyed some privileges in the Roman Empire. However, Italy was divided into many provinces (regiones), and governors (correctores) were sent by emperors during the third century. Although many scholars believe that these governors began to control Italian cities, the evidence is limited. Although most literary sources are unreliable, we have about twenty inscriptions regarding correctores during this period. Most of these inscriptions were dedicated to emperors by correctores or to the correctores themselves by communities or individuals. These inscriptions do not in fact support the interpretation of extensive governor control over Italian cities. Only one inscription (AE 1914.249=AE 1917/18.124=AE 1919.52) from Como seems to lend itself to such a reading. The wording of this inscription is as follows: "T. Fl. Postumius Titianus, clarissimus vir, corrector Italiae, perfected and dedicated the Temple of Sol by the order of Our Lords the Diocletian and Maximian emperors, and Axilius Iunior, clarissimus vir, curator of the city, took charge". Although this inscription seems to support the hypothesis of governor control over cities, contextual analysis suggests other possibilities. First, in comparison to other inscriptions in which the emperors took the initiative, such as in the case of the bath complex at Rome, the role of the emperors does not stand out. Therefore, it is unlikely that the emperors took the initiative in Como. Second, Titianus seems to have occupied a special position in the government, investigating in place of the emperors (CIL 6.1418). Therefore, we can-not generalize from this particular case. Third, both Titianus, the governor, and Axilius Iunior, the curator, were senators, and the former did not seem to take precedence over the latter. The inscription was very likely produced around 291 A.D., a date that is quite significant. In the winter of 290-291, Diocletian met Maximian at Milan, near Como. The city authority for Como would have dispatched delegates to Milan to make a petition to the emperors regarding the Temple of Sol. The curator probably played a key role in making this petition. His father had also been a curator of Como, therefore Axilius Iunior was more like a patron of the city than a member of the governor's staff. According to Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History (9.2.1), support provided by a curator of a city was key to making the city's petition to the emperor a success in 311. Perhaps Axilius Iunior played a similar role in 291. As a result, the governor Titianus "perfected and dedicated" the Temple of Sol by the "order" of the emperors, but this "order" was passive. In conclusion, although at first glance the Como inscription suggests governor control over Italian cities, contextualization reveals other possibilities. The inscription was probably the result of active petitioning on the part of an Italian city; therefore, it cannot be read as proof of control. Further study of this inscription will yield new insights into the complex and shifting relationship among Italian cities, governors and emperors in the third century A.D.

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The Mandil is one of the elements which characterize the throne scene of the islamic art. The posture that the ruler himself has the Mandil in his hand appears only in the islamic throne scene.
The most common type of the representation of the Mandil in the throne scene is that the Mandil itself is folded in two pieces and the ringlike top of it is shown from the back of the hand of the ruler, and the ruler put the hand on his knee. From 10th to 17th century, through the periods, the artists of the islamic lands had kept the traditional iconographic feature of the Mandil very strictly.
The reasons that the Mandil became an important element of the islamic throne scene and was held by the ruler himself are presumably related with Tiraz. Tiraz was a sign ('alamah) of the islamic rulers. The fact that the Mandils of early periods bear the decorations like Tiraz means that the Mandil was the object which represented the sovereignty of the islamic ruler.
The form of the Mandil and the way of its holding seem to be borrowed from the way of holding the clothes in Parthian, Roman and Byzantine arts. In those arts the people held the handful cloths of the costume by the hand, forming the ring-like top upon the back of the hand.
After the Mongol conquest the traditions of Tiraz as 'alamah of the ruler had disappeared, but the Mandil has remained as a symbol of the ruler on the throne scene in the islamic art.

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This paper examines the contemporary descriptions on the church of Hagios Mokios in Constantinople, which is now lost to us, in the architectural, liturgical and social aspects. In the 8th century Constantine the Great was regarded as the legendary founder of this church and the legend of the foundantion brought the martyr's cult a certain change in the religious and social position in the capital. "De Ceremoniis", the ceremonial book in the 10th century informs us a imperial ceremony in this church. Through the description of "De Ceremoniis", the church of Hagios Mokios could be one of a typical basilica.

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