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  • 後藤 篤子
    西洋古典学研究
    1989年 37 巻 91-101
    発行日: 1989/03/15
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    In his Church History (IX,9,12), Eusebius states that after the Battle at the Milvian Bridge (28 October 312), Constantine and Licinius, "with one will and thought," drew up a "most perfect law" (nomos teleotatos) on behalf of the Christians and sent it to Maximinus Daia There is no other mention of this "most perfect law", and researchers are not in agreement as to its identification On the one hand, the so-called "Letter to Sabinus" mentioned in IX, 9, 13, in which Maximinus orders Sabinus to halt the persecution, has been dated to November/ December 312 , the "most perfect law" would also seem to be dated to the same time. Yet on the other hand, the collaboration between Constantine and Licinius concerning this law would appear to be associated with the two emperors' conference at Milan, which took place in February 313 Many researchers have made much of this chronology and have asserted that the "most perfect law" was in fact the work of Constantine alone, who, for the sake of formality, simply added the name of the co-emperor, Licinius, to the law which he issued in his capacity of senior Augustus after his victory at the Milvian Bridge But in view of the fact that Eusebius exercised damnatio memoriae against Licinius in the final version of his Church History, his expressions as to the collaboration between the two emperors (such as "with one will and thought") do not allow such an interpretation In considering this problem, we should take into account T Christensen's restoration of a document which may properly be called "the Edict of Milan" The restored "Edict of Milan" guarantees freedom of religion to Christians and the restoration of church properties confiscated during the Great Persecution However, it says nothing about freedom of religion for pagans and the possibility of compensation for losses incurred by the restoration of church properties, although these two items are mentioned in the imperial letter promulgated by Licinius at Nicomedia on 13 June 313 (the so-called "Edict of Milan") Christensen assumes that his restored "Edict of Milan" was sent to Maximinus immediately after the meeting of Constantine and Licinius at Milan , I suggest that this document was in fact the disputed "most perfect law" As regards chronology, I have examined the arrangement of themes in Eusebius' Church History, Book IX, and have discerned a change in subject matter between IX, 9, 12 and IX, 9, 13 Eusebius first describes the wrongdoings of Maximinus (IX, 1-8) , then Constantine's victory over Maxentius-the victory which would bring about Maximinus's ruin in the future (IX, 9, 1-8), and Constantine's gratitude to God after the victory (IX, 9, 9-11), mentioning the "most perfect law" as the right finish on such gratitude (IX, 9, 12) He then changes the subject and returns to Maximinus (IX, 9, 13) In the following Chapter 10, he describes the events leading to Maximinus's death in the summer of 313 I therefore believe that the "most perfect law" mentioned in IX, 9, 12, and Constantine's letter to Maximinus suggested in IX, 9, 13, which resulted in Maximinus's Letter to Sabinus, are not identical, and that it is possible to date the "most perfect law" to February 313 My hypothesis is also supported by the fact that the persecutor Maximinus promulgated, in May 313 (i e , prior to the so-called "Edict of Milan"), the Edict of Toleration, the substance of which is almost identical with the restored "Edict of Milan"
  • 311年の寛容令をめぐって
    松本 宣郎
    西洋史学
    1977年 105 巻 21-
    発行日: 1977年
    公開日: 2023/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ─犠牲式場面を中心に─
    坂田 道生
    イタリア学会誌
    2017年 67 巻 101-124
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/11/28
    ジャーナル フリー

    Nei pressi di Piazza Armerina (Enna) sorge una sontuosa villa tardo-romana edificata nel IV secolo. La villa, spesso detta “di Piazza Armerina” dal nome del comune in cui si trova, si segnala non solo per la sua estensione (1,5 ettari), ma anche per il gran numero di pitture parietali, statue e mosaici. Fra le molte decorazioni che danno la misura dell’opulenza del proprietario, il tratto più saliente della villa sono i mosaici, notevoli per qualità artistica, composizioni figurative e ricchezza della policromia. La Piccola caccia, uno dei mosaici pavimentali più pregevoli, consiste in dodici scene, organizzate in cinque registri che si sviluppano attorno a due gruppi centrali: un sacrificio a Diana e un banchetto all’aperto. Nella scena sacrificale è raffigurato un officiante con una patera nella mano sinistra e la destra alzata sulla fiamma dell’altare. A sinistra dell’officiante compare un cacciatore che conduce un cavallo; a destra figurano un secondo cacciatore con un cavallo e un ragazzo che trattiene un cane da caccia.

    Le raffigurazioni della Piccola caccia – e in particolare la scena sacrificale – saranno qui esaminate in relazione alla funzione della sala, alle fonti iconografiche e agli obiettivi perseguiti dal proprietario della villa.

    Il primo elemento di cui si conduce l’analisi è il mosaico pavimentale, esaminato alla luce delle modalità di impiego della sala, con l’obiettivo di stabilire quale sia la sezione più rilevante del mosaico stesso. Secondo Andrea Carandini, l’area in questione potrebbe essere stata adibita a sala da pranzo ufficiale (triclinium), poiché la disposizione delle scene sembrerebbe corrispondere alla collocazione dei letti tricliniari. Nel triclinium erano posizionati tre letti, su ciascuno dei quali potevano trovare posto tre ospiti: il lectus imus era destinato alla famiglia ospitante; il lectus medius era riservato ad ospiti particolarmente illustri; gli ospiti ordinari, infine, trovavano posto sul lectus summus. Secondo la proposta di Carandini, la scena sacrificale sembra essere la porzione di mosaico più visibile al padrone di casa e all’ospite d’onore e questa sembrerebbe dunque la parte principale della composizione.

    La seconda parte dello studio si propone di individuare le fonti iconografiche della scena sacrificale, che appare sostanzialmente modellata sul sacrificio a Diana rappresentato in uno degli otto tondi adrianei inclusi nell’arco di Costantino. Questa proposta è fondata su tre argomenti: in primo luogo, la dimostrazione delle affinità esistenti nelle caratteristiche iconografiche condivise dalle due opere; in seguito, la considerazione che i tondi adrianei erano esposti pubblicamente a Roma nel periodo in cui fu edificata la villa: si può dunque ipotizzare che gli autori del mosaico li conoscessero attraverso campionari, bozzetti oppure visite sul posto. Infine, la scoperta di un’analoga raffigurazione sacrificale a Lillebonne (Alta Normandia), in cui la firma apposta sul mosaico indica che l’artista e l’apprendista che lo hanno eseguito provenivano da Pozzuoli. In altre parole, il mosaico di Lillebonne documenta la diffusione di un motivo iconografico sacrificale dal centro dell’Italia alla periferia dell’Impero. Si tratta perciò di una situazione assimilabile a quella della villa di Piazza Armerina, dove sembrerebbe aver trovato impiego un motivo iconografico proveniente da Roma.

    Nell’ultima sezione ci si interroga sulle ragioni che potrebbero aver indotto il proprietario della villa (probabilmente Proculo Populonio) a commissionare la Piccola caccia. Per quanto concerne l’identità del proprietario, sono stati individuati numerosi candidati: Massimiano, Massenzio, Betizio Perpetuo Arzigio, Domizio Latroniano, Domizio Zenofilo, C. Celio Censorino, Proculo Populonio, ecc., ma il recente studio

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  • 佐野 光宜
    西洋古典学研究
    2007年 55 巻 169-171
    発行日: 2007/03/16
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 飛ヶ谷 潤一郎
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2004年 69 巻 578 号 185-190
    発行日: 2004/04/30
    公開日: 2017/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    "Prevedari's engraving" (Milan 1481) is the most important work of Bramante's pictorial pieces, concerning the interpretations of antique architectures in the Renaissance. This paper intends to clarify some models of the ruined temple in the engraving, Romanesque Architectures in the Marche region, Venetian Byzantine Architectures, and especially the church of Sant' Andrea in Mantua, the concept of which is reconstruction of an Etruscan temple. Moreover, Cesare Cesanano, Bramante's pupil in Milan, drew the plans of antique temples in the comments on Vitruvius's De Architectura, some of which, including the Etruscan temple, are similar to the "Prevedari's engraving".
  • 井上 文則
    西洋史学
    2001年 202 巻 1-
    発行日: 2001年
    公開日: 2022/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 井上 文則
    史学雑誌
    2013年 122 巻 7 号 1287-1295
    発行日: 2013/07/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 弓削 達
    日本の神学
    1993年 1993 巻 32 号 119-124
    発行日: 1993/10/05
    公開日: 2009/10/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高橋 亮介
    史学雑誌
    2009年 118 巻 5 号 998-1002
    発行日: 2009/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松本 宣郎
    史学雑誌
    1976年 85 巻 2 号 167-197
    発行日: 1976/02/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 衛
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2005年 70 巻 590 号 201-207
    発行日: 2005/04/30
    公開日: 2017/02/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper deals with churches of circular plan in Italy during 17th-18th Centuries, and, in particular, takes up several examples deriving from the Temple of Romulus, which was regarded as a model of church in 17th Century. Furthermore the investigation gives attention to the influence of Giovanni Battista Montano, and makes clear that Filippo Juvarra's work in the early 18th Century belongs to the same type. The purpose is to show the relationship between circular plan and curved facade in clerical architecture by clarifying mechanism of architectural composition. In short, circular plan together with curved facade is not only a model of the building itself, but also a motif in composition of large scale.
  • 西洋史学
    1960年 46 巻 69-
    発行日: 1960年
    公開日: 2022/11/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 末永 航
    イタリア学会誌
    1985年 34 巻 203-218
    発行日: 1985/03/30
    公開日: 2017/04/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 保坂 高殿
    西洋古典学研究
    2007年 55 巻 126-138
    発行日: 2007/03/16
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this paper we reassess Eusebius' Historia Ecclesiastica 8.1 and offer a new interpretation of the Great Persecution. To elucidate its origin Chap 10 of Lactantius' De Mortibus Persecutorum does not help us since it seems to be affected by a Christian bias, revealing a literary motif of anti-pagan propaganda. Eusebius, on the other hand, who vaguely describes how the Church incurred a persecution as divine punishment for her internal strife gives crucial clues to the present inquiry, though his account needs more careful analyses; internal strife had generally not been a cause, but a result of persecution, as was clearly attested in the letters of Cyprian and some passages from Tertullian(e.g. Scorp 1.5). We should understand that the strife mentioned in HE 8.1 originated from the "persecution" within the army (and not vice versa! Cf. MartPalaest 12.1 [S]) which Diocletian launched in the last decade of the third century. Given this, we could reconstruct the prelude to the Great Persecution as follows. During the Persian War the Emperor realises the necessity of redressing the military discipline and cancelled the exemption (given as a privilege to the Christian soldiers probably by Galienus) from performance of any pagan ritual. Thus there arose a serious difference of opinion in the Church, and this developed in the course of time into a fatal schism among three groups, namely laxists, rigorists and moderates. The moderates to which most of the orthodoxy fathers belonged followed the traditional line endorsed by Callistus the Pope of Roman Church. Feeling obliged as soldiers of Christ (II Tim 2.3) to serve only one master, not two, they called upon all the church members to make a tenacious resistance to the demonic worship imposed by Romans. It was when Diocletian had taken notice of these apparently rebellious and well-organised activities of the Church that the Great Persecution was triggered off. The Church intended in fact nothing but to keep her faith pure by refusing to participate in any pagan rituals whereas the government regarded it as a kind of political sedition or even a declaration of war against the Empire. This interpretation fits in with the fact that at the end of the third century the image of Church held by the government changed. We should emphasise that in this period the Church had been for the first time acknowledged to be, not only a nation εθνοζ at all (e.g. HE 9.9a.1), but a nation seditious and pernicious to the Empire (MartPalaest 9.12; cf. Liv 39.13.14), as was explicitly accused of disloyalty in the "Edict of Toleration" of Galerius who complained of their "assembling various nations" for an evil purpose. Recognition of the Church as a nation means that the government recognised her as a political body with whom to negotiate. Thus the repressive measure could be followed and replaced immediately by a protective one. Persecution and protection were the two contradictory fruits proceeding from one and the same seed.
  • 保坂 高殿
    西洋古典学研究
    2010年 58 巻 60-73
    発行日: 2010/03/24
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Vita Constantini(VC), an encomiastic biography containing fifteen imperial letters, is one of the most important and controversial sources on the reign and personality of Constantine the Great that the church of the post-Constantinian period ever produced. Although certain critics have sometimes questioned its Eusebian authorship, recent studies have made extensive use of the text as a reliable literary source, suggesting that the issue has been conclusively resolved. Indeed, serious debate on this matter ceased in the 1970s. However, a critical reading of the text of the VC reveals that there are marked discrepancies between its description of the religious policy of Constantine and the picture of religious policy painted by pagan literature and legal texts. Most scholars are aware of this, yet they try to explain these discrepancies away as interpolations, in order to preserve the traditional view concerning its authorship from challenge. Thus, it is possible to suggest the following: 1)The characteristics of an intolerant emperor as they appear in the VC should neither be attributed to the historical Constantine (who was in fact tolerant of pagan religious practices) nor considered as stemming from the hand of an anonymous interpolator, since this antipagan writing is permeated with subversive ideas which form its conceptual framework. The enmity towards the Roman cultural heritage should therefore be viewed as being a constituent part of the work-thereby precluding the possibility of interpolations or posthumous editorial additions. 2)The VC could have been written by anyone living during a period after the death of Eusebius when the emperor was enforcing an anti-pagan policy-that is, in the time of Constantius II or later. 3)The notion of eusebeia (piety)-generally indicating any pious act for the benefit of the gods-is extended in the VC to encompass a negative attitude towards the impious. Indeed, from the start of the third century onwards there are many recorded instances of pagan assaults on Christians as acts of expiation (for example, Tert Apol 41.2 Christianos ad leonem!). However, neither the church nor the government succumbed to the popular outcry, and it was not until the latter half of the fourth century that the notion of piety in the form of a double negation was conceived. Theodosius II prescribes punishment of religious dissidents as a holy sacrifice to secure divine favor (Novellae 3.8). 4)If the VC is assigned to the time of Constantius II, it could belong to the literary genre of specula principum (mirrors for princes)-that is, its purpose could be to instruct him on how to behave towards and rule his subjects (both pagans and Christians alike) and to caution him against interfering in the internal affairs of the church. However, assigning the VC to the era of the Theodosian dynasty would instead suggest that it was composed in reply to pagan criticism of Constantine's pro-Christian policy. This seems more probable, since it is only after the 370s that the approval of physical violence which characterizes the VC is clearly attested in Christian literature.
  • 黒田 泰介
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    1996年 61 巻 481 号 195-203
    発行日: 1996/03/30
    公開日: 2017/01/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this study is to clarify the function and the part of the reutilized ruins of roman amphitheater in the process of formation of italian cities. This paper is to clarify the general outline of this phenomenon with a classification of the 40 samples in 39 roman cities according to the four functions : "fortress", "house", "religious building", "public buiIding", showing a chronological chart of the functions. Particularly the function as a "fortress" is analysed by four factors : "fortification for the reinforcement of city defence in the latter term of roman imperial times" (3C-5C), "fortification for the domination of the city by another nations" (5C-9C), "fortification for the reutilization of ruins as housing" (11C), "fortification for the reinforcement of city defence in the latter term of medieval times" (11C).
  • 黒岩 俊介
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2001年 66 巻 539 号 289-296
    発行日: 2001/01/30
    公開日: 2017/02/04
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this paper, forming part of a comprehensive study on Hans Sedlmayr's theory of occidental church architecture in its historical development from its origins to Gothic, the views and ideas of this art historian as regards the "Justinian architecture" are discussed in an analytical reading of his study: "Das erste Mittelalterliche Architektursystem". The "overlapping baldachin" of this architecture that he postulates as its essential element is considered to be one of the most distinctive characters of the Medieval architecture.' since it contributes to the conservation of the antique columns and their integration into another more comprehensive order, i.e. hierarchy, which sanctions a new non-classical architectural principle.
  • その時期と動機をめぐる問題
    新田 一郎
    西洋史学
    1962年 53 巻 15-
    発行日: 1962年
    公開日: 2022/11/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • アウグストゥス期の歴史叙述における「伝統の創造」
    保坂 高殿
    西洋史学
    2002年 207 巻 24-
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2022/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「騎士ベルニーニのフランス旅行日記」に見られるベルニーニのルーヴル宮設計活動 その3
    遠藤 太郎
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2013年 78 巻 683 号 247-256
    発行日: 2013/01/30
    公開日: 2013/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Bernini's architectural theory is generally regarded as stale and incompatible with his practice. But if we take its context into account, the meaning of his words will become clear. For example, he utilized the architectural anthropomorphism to oust the architects with no experience of fine art. this time, Le Vau, especially. When we review the key concepts of his theory, contrapposto, greatness, etc. likewise, they all will turn out to support this thesis: Bernini, who can produce the design based on the Bible and Vitruvius with practical knowledge of the ancient art, should design the Louvre palace.
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