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  • 大清水 裕
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 2 号 161-198
    発行日: 2012/02/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    At the beginning of 238, a revolt broke out at Thysdrus against the regime of Maximinus Thrax in the Africa Proconsularis. Despite the suppression of the revolt in the span of three weeks, the Senate of Rome continued to resist the emperor, who was assassinated at Aquileia during his march on Rome. The purpose of this article is to reconsider the situation in North Africa at the time in question through mainly African inscriptions. The article begins with a discussion of the origin of the revolt. Herodian says that it was caused by the avarice of the emperor and his procurator. Many scholars have accepted this explanation and think that their avarice means the increased tax burden on Africa due to the war on the northern frontier. However, the African provinces were enjoying stability during this so-called "3 rd century crisis" following the revolt, leading the author to conclude that the tax burden could not have been unbearable in Africa at the time. Others consider the revolt to have been an effort by municipal leaders sharing the views of the Senate, which detested the military emperor, and some point to an "African" revolt by the region's peasantry against Roman rule. However, the author argues that more attention should be paid to the fact that the city of Thysdrus was a municipium liberum, which was exempt from taxation and could block any intervention by proconsuls. Since the inhabitants of the city enjoyed these privileges, they were free to refuse any demands of imperial officials they opposed. In other words. at the beginning of the revolt, it was the identity as "people of Thysdrus," rather than "Romans" or "Africans," that played an important role. Next, the article turns to the epitaph of L. Aemilius Severinus (CIL, VIII, 2170=ILS, 8499=ILAlg., I, 3598), which eulogizes his death being caused by his "love for Rome." The deceased seems to have been a municipal leader of Thysdrus who shared the values of the Roman Senate; but it is not certain because the epitaph was discovered in a suburb of the city of Theveste. The gravestone used was of simple manufacture, and its shape was unique to North African culture, while the deceased's agnomen shows the influence of Greek culture. Therefore, in spite of the expression, "love for Rome," he should not be considered simply "Roman" in character, but rather as living in a society characterized by a hybrid culture formed under Roman rule. The author concludes that the revolt of 238 was raised by the citizens of Thysdrus, who were determined to continue enjoying their privileges and honor, and then was joined by many "Africo-Romans" of the region's hybrid-culture. Since the participants of the revolt claimed a variety of identities, such as "Roman," "African," and "Thysdrusian," the revolt should not be simplified as merely a "pro-senate" or "African" rising, but rather as reflecting a far more complex cultural situation characterizing Roman Africa at the time.
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