This study is focusing on the race structure and the space structure of old Japantown, the role of Japanese American business and Japanese American community in Walnut Grove, Northern California.

 There are 2 Japantown and 25 old Japantown in Northern California. 9 old Japantown are concentrated on Sacramento Valley. The old Japantown in Sacramento County are developed at Sacramento, Florin, Walnut Grove and Isleton along Sacramento River. From 1860‘s, Chinese migrant workers, who hired on the reclamation of Sacramento River and the construction of Southern Pacific Railroad, moved to Walnut Grove. Afterwards, Japanese migrant workers moved to work at farm and farm products processing factory from 1890‘s.

 The racial segregation existed across Sacramento River at Walnut Grove. The east side of Sacramento River was the Asian residence area where Chinatown and Japantown were located. And the west side of Sacramento River was the White residence area for Italian and German. However, many Chinese had moved to Locke, because Chinatown burned away by fire in 1915 and 1937. Many of Japanese who burned out from Chinatown in 1915 had moved and rebuilt Japantown, so the scale of Japantown was expanded to the Northern part next to Chinatown.

 Japantown was divided into "Front Town" and "Back Town" across Southern Pacific Railroad. In 1940, Front Town was accumulated with commercial, business and public facilities. Back Town was accumulated with many detached houses and few public facilities. In 2014, the commercial and business facilities, owned by Japanese American, were closed and many buildings were vacant at Front Town. White and Mexican have been maintaining the vacant buildings and business in recent years. At Back Town, Mexican and Filipino were inflowing, instead of Nisei's aging and Sansei's outflowing, Christian church and Japanese language school were closed and only Buddhist Church were maintaining activity. Japantown, registered with "Walnut Grove Japanese American Historic District" in 1990, were preserved while maintaining the exterior of buildings and the name of tenants.

 Japanese American business had targeted on Jananese migrant workers who were hired at farm and farm products processing factory owned by White. In 1940, many kinds of the commercial facilities and the business facilities were provided for the male single migrant workers. Especially, some of roomings and ryokans were juxtaposed with restaurant and cafe to combine board, also with bath and barber. In 2014, because those roomings and ryokans were closed, all buildings owned by Nisei and Sansei are left unoccupied. In buildings sold to other races such as White and Mexican, commercial facilities targeting tourists to the historic district are running.

 As Japanese American community, Japanese Association and Kenjin Kai had played the important role for employment and living support, mutual aid and interaction between Japanese. In 1940, Christian church and Buddhist Church were the activity bases of Japanese American community, in addition to Japanese Associtation Offfice. Moreover, Japanese Association and Buddhist Church supported Kawashimo Gakuen to teach Japanese language for Nisei and Sansei. In 2014, the activity bases of Japanese American and Kenjin Kai were lost, Christian churches and Kawashimo Gakuen were closed, and only Buddhist Church have been continuing their activities. While receiving support from nearby Buddhist Churches and Japanese American Citizens League, Buddhist Church regularly hold events of Japanese culture and interactive meetings with Nisei. The role of Japanese American community in recent years is important for supporting the life of aging Nisei.

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 This study is focusing on race structure and space structure of Japantown, the role of Japanese American business and Japanese American community in San Jose, northern California. Japantown in San Jose was formed from 1890, along Southern Pacific Railroad and Chinatown. In Japantown center, the building owners and tenants were Japanese, Chinese and other races. Japanese buildings were the most and space segregation by races has been shown. Japanese group like Hawaiian Japanese American, Shin Issei and Japanese American companies were developed in Japantown. Many Chinese were flowing out and other races like Filipino, Vietnamese and Korean were flowing in. Japanese Americans who closed their business are renting tenants to Hawaiian Japanese American, Shin Issei and other races. To maintain Japantown, to understand and participate in Japanese American business and community are necessary. How Japanese American and association will accept Hawaiian Japanese American, Shin Issei and other races is the future problem.

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The rebuilding of Little Tokyo in Downtown Los Angeles after the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II has been thought to be proof how Japanese had a strong attachment to their “ethnic community.” Some studies, however, focused on the fact that the place was also called “Bronzeville,” where African American wartime workers occupied ex-Japanese tenants, and described the process of racial “integration” between two groups in the resettlement era. This paper aims to clarify how Japanese returnees and Black residents experienced the transition from Bronzeville to Little Tokyo and discuss what kinds of “sense of community” toward the place both groups hold.

When the United States government allowed the Japanese to return to the West Coast in 1945, federal and local officials, civic organizations, and racial and ethnic group leaders appealed for “interracial cooperation” to help ease resettlement into local communities. This interracialism emphasized that loyal “Japanese American citizens” deserved to have the right to live anywhere they wanted just as other American citizens did.

Under the influence of interracialism, Little Tokyo appeared to be rebuilt as a symbol of Japanese community. More than 500 Japanese businesses reopened around East First Street, and Issei leaders became involved in political activities in a few years. Some Japanese journalists, however, recognized that the post-war Little Tokyo was different from the pre-war community in which they perceived “authenticity.” In fact, out-of-towners and Nisei entrepreneurs, rather than pre-war generation businessmen, revitalized the ethnic economy in the resettlement era and young Japanese American Citizens League OACL) leaders extended political leadership over Issei pioneers. New Japanese businessmen preferred having their residences in the “Southwestern District” along Jefferson Blvd and Boyle Heights on the east of Downtown rather than in Little Tokyo.

Through the resettlement of the Japanese, interracialism was contextualized within the spatial formation in multiracial Los Angeles. Interracialists appealed to a color-blind ideal promoting a race-neutral approach, and they were reluctant to eradicate restrictive covenants that kept barriers between “west” of LA as white middle-class suburbia and “east” as multiracial working-class neighborhoods. Faced with this contradiction, on the one hand, Japanese returnees found “safety and stability” in Little Tokyo, even though they recognized its lost authenticity as an ethnic community. On the other, African Americans pursued interracial cooperation against white supremacy and discovered their original community along Central Avenue to Watts in South Los Angeles, while they alienated Black working-class southerners living in Bronzeville.

Little Tokyo/Bronzeville was a multiracial place where neither single “ethnic community” nor color-blind “community” was impossible. Japanese and Blacks rediscovered their senses of belonging within frictional and sympathetic interracial relations, even though newly developed ways of identification with the place was also difficult to achieve. Thus, the sense of a multiracial community such as Little Tokyo in the resettlement era rose from dynamic relations of difference, belonging, and solidarity, rather than cooperative unity.

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 This study is focusing on Japanese American in Stockton, Northern California, where old Japantown exist, as a case study of Japanese immigration in the world. Through the interview and housing research on Nisei and Sansei of Japanese American, it aims to clarify the feature of Japanese American housing and living situation. And also it aims to clarify the role of Japanese American community and local facility for their own history and culture.

 From 1868 to 1941, about 340,000 people had emigrated to the United States from Japan. The hometown of Japanese immigration had inclined to the western part of Japan, mainly from Chugoku and Kyushu district. And the settlement place in the United States of America had inclined to the State of Hawaii and California. Before the World War II, many of Japanese American had been engaged in the unskilled work, mainly consisting of agriculture and housekeeping. After the World War II, their work have shifted to service industry, manufacturing industry, commerce and professional.

 Harbor city Stockton, developed as the transport hub from inland, has the richest farmland in California. Many of Japanese immigrant had moved to Stockton for the work at farms and agricultural products processing plants. Near the Port of Stockton, there was one of largest Japantown in Northern California. In 1930s, the peak of Stockton Japantown, 150 species of Japanese business and 31 Japanese community had been active. After the World War II, because of highway construction and redevelopment project, the function of former Japantown had been completely dismantled.

 Nisei houses located in the south side of old Japantown. Along with the aging and the security deterioration of old residential area, Sansei had moved to the north side of new residential area. But Nisei remains in the old residential area because of the attachment to the community. At Nisei and Sansei houses, many of Japanese ornaments and articles have been arranged as interior elements. Most of those elements have been inherited from Issei to Nisei and Sansei. Moreover, the spatial elements of Japanese garden have been used at the front and back yards. And “KAMON”, inherited from Issei, have been used for the ornaments and articles, as the symbol to show their family root.

 The local facilities in Stockton, related to Japanese American history, have been functioning as the important role for cultural exchange with Nikkei community and local society. Stockton Buddhist church and Calvary Presbyterian Churchare are especially functioning as the important facilities for not only members but also fellows. The historical landmarks, Nippon Hospital and Stockton Assembly Center, registered by the State of California have been utilized as local resources to share Japanese American history and culture. With the transition from community aggregation to human network, Nikkei community activities have been maintained beyond the generations.

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ロサンゼルス大都市圏では，1970年代以降，多民族化が進行してエスニックタウンが増加し，エスニックモザイクが形成された。本稿は，エスニック社会を読み解くための視点と方法を提示し，エスニックタウンの動態をエスニック資源の活用に着目して検討することを目的とする。はじめにロサンゼルスの都市化とエスニックタウンの形成過程を検討し，次にエスニック社会を読み解くための12の指標を提示した。これらの指標はエスニック社会を構成する要素であり，エスニック資源でもある。エスニック資源に着目すると，エスニックタウンは3類型に区分される。移民の流入とエスニックタウンの萌芽から，エスニック資源が高度に活用されホスト社会への発信が活発化するまで，3段階が想定される。また，エスニック資源の活用形態は，時代の枠組み，地域の枠組み，移住プロセスの枠組みによって説明することができる。

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This article examines the process of developing Chicana/o bilingual-bicultural creative works and acts of peace mediated by Los Angeles Chicana/o mural artists. “Chicana/o” is a political term associated with the Chicano Movement of the late-1960s. It used to be a despised word that referred to Mexican migrants before the Movement, but in the late 1960s, some Mexican-Americans proudly identified themselves as “Chicana/os.” They painted various murals in their barrios, using Mexican cultural figures, Chicano leaders’ images, and local history images in order to establish their grassroots culture. This became known as the Chicano Mural Movement.

This paper depicts Chicano murals as agencies that mediate peaceful relationships with others. The characteristics of agencies can be summarized into the following five perspectives.

First, Chicano mural was an important communication medium through which to share their desires, histories, and criticisms of the United States’ white supremacy. Second, Chicano mural was sometimes used as a space through which to achieve self-salvation from internal violence such as gang conflicts and drug abuse in East Los Angeles, California, so creating murals also helped Chicana/os rebuild positive relationships with others. Third, making Chicano murals encouraged collaboration and collective barrio education such as cross-border exchanges with Mexican artists. Fourth, Chicana/o researchers and artists comically developed the barrio “have-not” worldview, named Rasquachismo, which mediated between high art and Chicana/o grass-root efforts. Fifth, after the Chicano Mural Movement, a second-generation artist emerged who had a high consciousness for site-specific sense regarding Chicano mural culture in Los Angeles. She developed her independent “in-between” style, drawing lines for Chicano nationalism.

These Chicana/o creativities can be seen as agencies from the bottom to mediate peaceful relationships with others. Although the Chicano Mural Movement sometimes was perceived as having closed or aggressive natures in the process of development, those agencies still are possible avenues for peace in Los Anegeles’ diverse culture.

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　現代都市空間の多くは、グローバル化の進展とともに、均質化・画一化が進む一方で、多様性や個性化に加え、新たな格差・不平等が生じるなど、ダイナミックな変化をとげつつある。とりわけ、多民族社会の典型ともいえるロサンゼルス大都市圏では、1960年代後半以降、新たな移民が増加し、エスニック・テリトリ_-_が変化するとともに、独自の経済活動や生活文化を反映したエスニックタウンが形成されてきた。エスニック・タウンは、変化と多様性に象徴されるロサンゼルス大都市圏の空間構造と場所の意味を捉えるうえで不可欠の要素である。そこで本報告では、ロサンゼルス大都市圏のエスニックタウンの立地ならびに景観的特徴を考察し、都市空間の変容とエスニックな景観や経験に関わる場所の意味がいかに表象されているのかを論じることとしたい。 エスニック集団のすみわけとエスニック・タウンは、第二次世界大戦前からみられた。都心部に位置する・、チャイナタウンはその典型である。現在、その西側にはヒストリック・フィリピノタウンの表示がある。こうした都心型の古いエスニック・タウンは、インナ_-_シティの空洞化に伴う衰退を経験しつつも、都市再開発や歴史景観再生の動きなどとともに新たな局面を迎えている。とくに近年は、観光資源や地域資源としての評価など、エスニック集団のみならずホスト社会や地域コミュニティにとっても重要な意味をもちつつある。　一方、1970年代以降、都心外縁や郊外に、新たなエスニック・タウンが分散的に形成されはじめた。発展著しいコリアタウンや都心東側に広がるニューチャイナタウンに加え、ハリウッド東にはリトル・タイ、リトル・アルメニアの立地がみられる。さらに郊外には、同じく70年代以降発展したリトル・インディアや、オレンジ郡の北に位置するベトナム系のリトル・サイゴンがある。これら70年代以降に形成された新興エスニック・タウンは、既にエスニックテリトリーを拡大していた黒人やヒスパニック系居住地のすぐ外側に位置する。また、フリーウェイなどの幹線道路に近く、1970年代以降新たに郊外に立地した産業、とくに航空機・電子部品・機械の製造工場や軍需関連工場などへのアクセスが良く、比較的住宅や土地が安価であった地域が多い。つまりロサンゼルスの都市拡大や郊外の発展と密接に関わる。　都市再開発やコミュニティ再生・活性化などの取り組みのなかで、近年エスニック・タウンのエスニックな景観や文化、歴史的経験が、地域や場所の意味を表象する存在として活用されていると考えられる。

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