In this article, I focus on the honor competition in which a group of Moroccan immigrants in France and their relatives in Morocco engage. To communicate with the relatives in Morocco, the immigrants used to write letters, but now, they can make telephone calls to each other. This technical innovation enables the immigrants to contact their relatives more frequently and hence to exchange information about everyday matters and rumors more easily. As a result, circles of people that shared the rumors are formed across national boundaries, and the members of these circles compete for one's honor with one another. In many areas of the Mediterranean and especially in Morocco, some anthropologists found the system of 'honor and shame.' They argue that the man of honor must have the 'domain of interdiction' [haram in arabic] and attacked other's honor, hence the competition for honor. The domains of interdiction include virginity of women under their authority and their land holdings. The man of honor must marry a woman, to obtain a domain of interdiction, and he must guard it against from others. He pays attention to his wife's relation with other men. When he has a daughter, he also must control her sexual relation. Regarding the ownership of land, another bet for honor, the man of honor must not deplete his land holding. He must prereserve his land and houseas well as his descent group's territories. For the man of honor, it is not enough to guard his honor against others' attack. It is expected that he challenge others' honor. Immigrants engage in the honor competition in France. They compete not only within immigrant groups, but also with their relatives in Morocco. Their relatives may urge then to participate in local competition at home. Honor belongs not only to an individual but also to his family. I think that participation in honor competition by immigrants also provides them with an opportunity for showing their belongingness to the family across the Mediterranean. This article shall point out that honor competition expanded geographically but also the bet for honor also changed. First, some immigrants began to question the traditional view that female virginity is important for men's honor. This shows in my view that "equality," an important value of the French republic, started to influence the immigrants, especially the second generation. Second, land holdings were the most important bet for honor in Morocco, but in France the immigrants bet for honor by buying such electric appliances as video cameras and personal computers, and by building 'western' houses in their home city in Morocco. This shows that French "consumption" culture now permeates the immigrants. The aboveobservations indicate that the "hybridization of honor" has occurred. The immigrants were not assimilated into the host culture, but they combined elements of the Moroccan culture with those of the French culture and invented a new culture of their own.

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This article contains the description and interpretation of a saintly festival held in central Morocco. Saintly festivals, called "Moussem-s". are common to all areas in western Maghreb countries and about one thousand of Moussems are being held each year in Morocco. They have a great variety of characteristics according to their own localities and are embedded in each specific socio-symbolic context. It seems almost impossible to draw common features from all these Moussems, both in sociological and symbolic forms. The only abstract which we can obtain is, in my view, that the Moussem is a rare occasion of great gathering of rural people, and can be esteemed as "embodiment of society". Though this proposition, spoken out in a rather self-evident way, seems to be a matter of course, it still holds significant importance in the context of interpreting festivals and rituals. Religious festivals and rituals are often posited as extraordinary events which are separated from everyday life and constitute special domain that is opposed to mundane, profane and structured social world. But the Moussem of Sidi Sharqi demands a careful interpretation regarding this bifurcational opposition scheme. Its connotation in symbolic scene requests us to understand this tribal gathering as an extension and crystallization of daily social life. This feature finds its validity also in social context. The Moussem and weekly markets make the current personal networks observable in clearly embodied form and even produce the network itself. It is by no means cut from daily activities. The general theme that festivals have the features of "Communitus" is not applicable to this Moussem. This proposition underlies the whole description and interpretation of this article. After examining the meaning of the term "Moussem" and its distribution in Morocco (Chapter I), I shall report the outline of past three Moussems of Sidi Sharqi, which were held during 1985-1987 when I carried out my fieldwork there in Boujad. holy town of Sidi Sharqi (Chapter II). And in Chapter III, I describe the above-mentioned proposition from two view-points. First of which is the socio-economic aspect of participants to this Moussem. namely two major tribes Beni Zemmur and Smaala. Here, fluidity and amorphism in their segmentary structure comes to the main point. I shall mention that the gathering at the Moussem is a reflection of this daily fluidity in their tribal social conditions. And I shall also point out that the Moussem is a rare opportunity for tribesmen to act as a member of "tribe", because the tribal system has been undermined by national policy and its succeeding socio-economic change in general Moroccan scene. Moussem is not independent of social reality. The second aspect of the proposition shall be discussed in symbolic sphere. Time and space of the Moussem is examined by symbolic context and will be concluded that the gathering is continuation of everyday life, not separated from the mundane domain as has often been formulated in Turner or Leachian manner. Sacred symbol, Sidi Sharqi, stands by the Moussem and accordingly by the society. In other words, binary opposition comes into existence between Sidi Sharqi and the society produced by the Moussem. The gathering itself belongs to the mundane, not to the sacred. Finally. I shall discuss the relation between Sidi Sharqi and his Moussem (or Boujad society) from the view-point of "Stranger as the holiness" theme. Sidi Sharqi can be better understood when we see him as a stranger. He has many attributes which are peculiar to strangers possessing symbolic power. Conclusion is as follows; (1) Tribesmen are the main participants in the Moussem. (2) Tribal social structure is dominated by fluidity and amorphisra, which will decide the form of the Moussem. Importance is laid on detailed parts, not on the whole.

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This study examines a dispute between the Waṭṭāsid dynasty and Kingdom of Portugal over the north area of al-Maghrib al-Aqṣā, as well as the relationships between the sultan and his vassals in the Northern Frontier, which bordered the Portuguese occupied territory in the late 15th century. Muḥammad al-Shaykh al-Waṭṭāsī, the first sultan of the dynasty, concluded a peace treaty with Afonso V of Portugal in 1471, one year before the dynasty was established, in which he recognized Portuguese possessions in North Africa. Despite the temporal suspension of this treaty between the death of Afonso V (1481) and the disaster of the Graciosa expedition (1489) by his successor João II, it established a semblance of peace in the area until its final expiration around 1500. During this period, the sultan organized defense structures against Portuguese raids by appointing influential persons as the local governors in important towns of the frontier and providing for them financial and military aid. Although they enjoyed a high degree of autonomy, there existed vertical relationships between them and the sultan, and when ‘Alīb. Rāshid, a frontier governor preached Jihād and revolted in Shafshāwun, the sultan succeeded in subjugating him. This success demonstrates that the royal authority of the dynasty was recognized to be legitimate in the country.

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インフォーマル経済は多くの国ぐにで，当局から黙認あるいは容認されながら行われてきた。一方，それとは異なるあり方も存在している。本稿では，当局がインフォーマル経済に対して人道的観点から規制を行うことが，従事者にどのような影響を与えるかについて，スペイン領セウタとモロッコの国境地帯で行われていた「密輸」の事例をもとに考察する。「密輸」は，関税を支払わずにセウタからモロッコに商品を持ち込むものであるが，当局が事実上管理し，従事者の労働環境の改善を目指した規制を行ってきた。このような規制が従事者に及ぼす影響を，越境者やジェンダーの視点も取り入れながら論じる。本稿は，人道的観点からなされた規制が従事者の収入を減らし，従事者をより周辺的な経済活動に追いやるという再周辺化を引き起こしたことを明らかにした。そのような再周辺化の深刻度は，越境者や女性といった脆弱な属性をもつことにより増していた。

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