Selim I's expedition against the Mamluks during 1516-1518 resulted in the extinction of the Mamluk Empire and the establishment of the Ottoman Empire as an Islamic universal empire. This event left enormous effects on the history of the Middle East. However there are rather few studies on this subject.
As for the early condition of the ancient Mamluk lands under Ottoman rule, a document which is preserved in the Topikapi Sarayi Archive and numbered D 9772 is one of the most important source materials.
It is a list of the livas (sancaks) and sancakbeyis of the Ottoman Empire. Prof. Ömer Lütfi Barkan published it and dated it Sevval 927 H—Receb 928 H. Though, according to Prof. Miroglu, Dr. Dündar Aydin re-dated it A. D. 1517 in his dessertation in 1972, most of Ottomanists have been still accecpting Prof. Barkan's conclusion.
Here I tried to date the document D 9772 more exactly. My conclusion is that it reflects the location of sancaks and sancakbeyis just after the large scale appointments on 26th Ramazan 923 H. With this new fact, I will try to re-examine the process of Selim's attempts to reorganize the ancient Mamluk lands under the new Ottoman system in this article.

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During the first half of the sixteenth century, the rapid territorial expansion of the Ottoman Empire caused the expansion of its foreign relations in the directions of both east and west. It has important effects on the making of early Modern Europe. Under these new circumstances, the Ottoman-Venetian relation, which had had a long tradition and was still important for both sides, must have also changed in some aspects. The Ottoman Empire and Venice remained on friendly terms throughout the first half of the sixteenth century, except for 1499-1502 and 1537-1540. In this paper, five ahdnames granted to Venice by the Ottoman Empire to conclude the peace treaties of 1502, 1513, 1517, 1521 and 1540 are examined to shed some light on changes in some aspects in Ottoman-Venetian relations. Provisions in these five ahdnames were based on the tradition of treaties concerned with trade in Middle East Islamic and Mediterranean societies. These provisions can be classified into four categories as follows : 1.The preconditions to make ahd, especially territorial agreements. 2.Establishing order on the seas between the Ottoman Empire and Venice. 3.Rights and obligations of Venetians in Ottoman territory. 4.Treatment of fugitive slaves, criminals and debtors. Almost all of the provisions followed the same content in each ahdname. On the other hand, some provisions were, reflecting the real situation, changed or newly added when each new ahdname was granted. By examining these changed or added provisions, the author concludes as follows. At the time when Bayezid II (ruled 1481-1512) and Selim I(ruled 1512-1520) were confronted with the rising of the Safvids in Persia while maintaining a peace policy toward Europe, the expanding Venetian's rights in the Ottoman territory became more important than the obligating principles of Islamic law on them. After the enthronement of Suleyman I (ruled 1520-1566), who succeeded to the vast territory expanded toward Syria and Egypt by Selim, the Ottomans extended their influence into the Levantine sea under a westward expanding policy. In 1540, two years after the Ottoman victory at the battle of Preveza, Ottoman superiority over Venice was recognized formally. Many of the provisions changed or added in the ahdnames of 1513 and 1521 were included in the draft of the Ottoman-French treaty made in 1535 and the ahdname granted to France in 1569. What it means is that the making of a new framework for Otto-man-Venetian relations in the first quarter of the sixteenth century had importance for building an Ottoman-French friendship under the reign of Suleyman.

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There have been many works on Muhammad 'Abduh since the beginning of the present century. One group of studies, as those done by Adams and Safran, tried to clarify the role played by 'Abduh in the formation of a modern society in Egypt or in modernization of Egypt; another group, including the studies by Caspar and Kerr, attempted to elucidate "similarity" or connection between 'Abduh's reform idea and the Islamic reform ideas which made appearance in the earlier periods. In the present paper the writer would like to clarify, through an examination of a relationship between his idea and movement, what was achieved by 'Abduh. The "Salafiyya" as so termed by 'Abduh is a broad concept and is characterized by the fact that he added Ash'ari in the Salaf. By so doing 'Abduh no doubt wanted to place himself as a follower of Ash'ari. According to 'Abduh, Ash'ari was the first person who tried to settle the long-standing antagonism in the ideological history of Islam between the two extremes, the "abuse of reason" and the "disregard" of it, standing as he did in an "intermediate" position. Caspar and Kerr, on the other hand, held that 'Abduh was a Mu'tazilite and that his claim tobe a follower of Ash'ari, therefore, was aimed at concealing his being a Mu'tazilite. The writer has doubts about their views, because they drew such conclusions from their comparative studies of the Ash'arite in the 19th century and the Mu'tazilite in the 10th century. The writer, however, is of the view that we should study how was 'Abduh's Salafiyya related to his reform movement. As for 'Abduh's reform movement, the writer, having analyzed nine reports and draft laws written by 'Abduh, as well as activities of five committees in which he took part, was able to find out details of the reforms he was concerned with and also the persons connected with him. While many past studies on 'Abduh pointed out that the persons most closely connected with 'Abduh's reform movement were Lord Cromer and Khedive 'Abbas Hilmi, the writer's own finding is that those most closely connected with the 'Abduh's reform movement were Mustafa Riyad, 'Ali Mubarak, Husein Fakhri and Mustafa Fahmi and that nearly all members of the 'Abduh group were specialized in legal affairs. It was also made clear that the British policy toward Egypt at that time was aimed at establishing an efficient administrative organization, from which appears a clear image of 'Abduh as an administrative official who exerted himself to reform the Islamic institutions (the Azhar, the Shari 'a Court, the Waqf administration, etc.) by means of legislation, rather than the image of 'Abduh as a thinker. As an administrative official who found himself in the deep "gulf" between the British authorities or the Egyptian government, on the one hand, and the religious institutions of Islam, on the other, 'Abduh pushed forward with his movement for reforming Islam. His intention at that was to resolutely carry out reforms of the Islamic institutions and thereby to save them from direct intervention by the British authorities or the Egyptian government. The 19th century Egyptian situation, in which 'Abduh fought his way, may probably be best paralleled by the days of Ash 'ari. That is why 'Abduh looked to Ash'ari who had found a way to cope with the "Islamic crisis" in his days for a prototype of solution of the similar crisis ten hundred years later. Again that is why 'Abduh did add Ash'ari in the Salaf.

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