Au moyen age, le recouvrement des creances etait peu sur, ce qui causait beaucoup de risques dans les affaires des usuriers. Neanmoins, au debut du quatorzieme siecle, il y avait plus de 300 doso a Kyoto. Comment pouvait-il se trouver autant de doso dans une ville de seulement 80000 ou 100000 habitants au plus? Les doso a Kyoto ont souvent obtenu le poste de collecteur d'impots d'un domaine. Habituellement, ils payaient ces impots d'avance, au moment de leur designation, puis les recuperaient sur la levee du domaine. En consequence, de nos jours, on assimile cela a un emprunt des seigneurs. Mais pour que les doso aient pu reussir a recuperer leur argent, il leur a fallu des connaissances et des experiences sur l'administration des domaines et sur la collecte des impots, les differentes techniques des usuriers. Donc, on ne peut pas traiter les entreprises de la perception des impots comme les prets ordinaires. Les doso etaient usuriers, mais aussi entrepreneurs de la levee des impots. A l'origine, le doso etait un simple usurier, appele kashiage (借上). La plupart des gens devenus kashiage avaient ete des serviteurs de la classe inferieure des nobles, des pretres bouddhistes ou shintoistes de rang inferieur, qui ont eu la chance d'avoir les fonds necessaires malgre leur condition peu elevee, au cours de la levee des impots de domaines sur l'ordre de leur maitre ou de leur temple. Ces usuriers etaient deja habiles dans l'administration d'un domaine et dans la collecte des impots au commencement de leurs affaires. Apres la guerre de Jokyu (承久の乱), beaucoup de fiefs ont ete attribues aux jitogokenin (地頭御家人). Pour gouverner sans embarras leurs terres eloignees, ces seigneurs non residents ont du etre aides par les kashiage. En outre, pour administrer leur terre, les jitogokenin ont commence a mandater un specialiste ou bien quelqu'un au courant des affaires de la region des la fin du treizieme siecle. C'etait une methode d'administration, convenante aux domaines ou l'ichienryo-ka (一円領化) est perfectionne. Surtout, ceux qui habitaient a Kyoto et qui ont eu besoin d'argent dans la vie urbaine, donnaient souvent mandat aux kashiage qui connaissaient les affaires et qui avaient assez de ressources pour faire des avances d'impots. Ainsi, les kashiage a Kyoto sont devenus entrepreneurs de la perception des impots, et on ne pouvait plus definir entierement leurs affaires par le mot "kashiage (=usurier) ". Alors, pour les designer eux qui sont remarquables surtout par leurs richesses, le mot "doso (=entrepot)" qui symbolise la fortune est apparu et s'est propage. Puis pendant l'epoque des Dynasties du nord et du sud, avec la marche d' ichienryo-ka des domaines dans tout le pays, les doso ont trouve de nouveaux clients et une solide situation comme entrepreneurs.

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Generally speaking, the palace during the Heike Period is classified to two systems, one system is great and large palace and the other is new and smaller style, whose plan is simplified for practical use. In this study, the author introduced some typical and useful houses, and explained their special charactres.

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The study of the development of funereal rites among Japan's aristocracy from antiquity through late premodern times has not only been made possible by the availability of ample historiographic sources, but is also helpful in examining both the peculiar and universal aspects of imperial funereal rites in late premodern times. That being said, no serious attempt has been made yet to trace the process of aristocratic funerals and burials throughout Japan's premodern history. The present article is intended to shed light upon the late premodern transformation of Japanese funereal rites in both substance and perception, using the case of closed funerals (misso 密葬) among the aristocracy of that time. The closed funeral (hereafter misso) was the rite of secretly transporting the body of the deceased to be either buried or cremated prior to the official funeral to be held several days later, and was also a method of avoiding the putrefaction of the corpse in the case of long delays in scheduling the official funeral. The rite itself, which had already been in existence prior to the beginning of the 17th century, became universally known as "misso" by the mid-18th century. Rites similar to misso were often conducted during ancient and medieval times under the name of "heisei-no-gi" 平生之儀 (ordinary ceremony), the difference between the two being that heisei-no-gi was not conducted in secrecy or as an abridgement of the official funeral. Therefore, the transition from the popularity of heisei-no-gi in medieval times to the widespread diffusion of misso in late premodern Japan represents a change in the perception of funerals from a relatively unimportant ritual in medieval times to a ceremony arranged to befit the status of the deceased and carefully planned in advance to take place on the most auspicious day possible. In other words, funereal rites experienced a significant increase in social value. In the opinion of the author, this increase in social value was felt throughout all social classes and became the rationale for the lavishness of funerals among the common people of late premodern Japan, as well as the huge scale on which imperial funerals came to be conducted during the time.

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This paper is made out according to architechtural articles of the diary of Sanetaka Sanjonishi (1455-1537), and aims to clarify various architectural productions of residences of the nobility of that age as well as to learn the basical structure. The Summary is as follows : (1) Constructive process of residence was divided into main work and fitting work. The terms of payment to the workmen for main work was contract wages system and for fittings daily wages system. These two ways originates in the process of planning; the main work was advanced according to 'sashizu' (a simple ground plan) and the fitting work under the order's indication in detail. (2) Workmen and orders were bound by family-like relationship. This kind of access relationship is humanic and rather recent than the former dominate-subordinate relationship. (3) The organization of workmen consisted basically of family unit. Some of them had the official social position as the Shogunate workmen (Government workmen), and at the same time boud private relationship of this kind of family-like relationship with specially fixed person. (4) The wage of workmen was 110 (one-hundred-ten) mon, and this was the standard amount of that days in Kyoto. (5) Timbers were mainly bought from timber-dealers, but some part of them were supplied by the accommodation among the nobilities by a habitual mutual aid.

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In this study, the outer gates of the Royal palace and the area called "Tsuiji-no-uchi" inside the gates on the pre-modern era are considered. As the six gates had been built before 1643 and the other three had been added before 1708,the area had been expanded down south. The area was recognised as the sacred place. Accordingly, the Bakufu bore the cost of the fences and the gates in order to landscape it. It was possible that before 1643 the area around the palace had been identified as the "Jinchu" which had been conceptualised since the medieval period.

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In the late medieval period Japan, Zen temples expanded their shoen (estates) and contracted the management of estates of other temples and nobles.Up to this point, it has been a foregone conclusion that this was a result of individual Zen monks'skill in estate management.However, because estate management by Zen temples is seen extensively throughout the entire Zen Sect, it is essencial to consider not only the contribution of individual Zen monks but also the ways in which the Zen temple organizations participated in estate management.Thereupon, taking note of the "knowledge" transmitted among Zen priests within the Zen temples, the author of the article considers whether or not there was something included in this "knowledge" that was related to estate management skills, then the way in which this "knowledge" was comunicated by monks, and family how it was put into practice and applied to estate management.Unsho Ikkei雲章一慶, a priest of Tofukuji東福寺 temple, gave lectures regarding shingi(清規 regulations of the Zen Sect), and one of his disciples Togen Zuisen桃源瑞仙 recorded them in a book entitled Hajoshingi-sho百丈清規抄.In this work, there is description of shosu (荘主 overseers of Zen temples' estates), who were normally monks.This description is based on an actual case in which Tofukuji temple dismissed in 1444 the shosu of Kambara-go 上原郷 in Bicchu 備中.It shows the ways in which it was neccessary for the shosu to cooperate with shugo 守護 when undertaking estate management.Therefore, this is indicative of the fact that within the knowkedge transmitted among the Zen monks there was indeed something included that pertained toestate management.In those days there were many lectures on Confucial learning given at Zen temples, includings the lectures on Hajoshingi by Unsho Ikkei.In addition to Zen priests, court officials like Kiyohara Naritada 清原業忠, known as a master of Confucian learning, attended these lectures.As a result, they were able to exchange not only Confucian knowledge but also such practical knowledge as estate management skills.For ezample, the Zen monks who attended the Confucian lectures by Unsho Ikkei collaborated with Nakahara Yasutomi 中原康富, who was a court offical and a student of Kiyohara Naritada, in the administration of the latter's estate.The author concluded that Zen temples were able to ezpand their estate management activites because they had a system in which Zen priests learned practical knowledge was result of the interchange between the Zen monks and court officials.

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The present article is intended to clarify the raison d'etre of envoys, or delegates, called Sanmon-shisetu, who were affiliated with the two Japanese medieval oligarchs (kenmon 権門), the Muromachi Bakufu and Enryakuji 延暦寺 Temple, utilizing the concrete example of the involvement of these envoys in a dispute that occurred during the Bun'an era (1444 - 49) over Enryakuji's revocation of Nanzenji 南禅寺 Temple's permit of passage necessary for the latter's boats to trade on Lake Biwa. The author examines the question of how these envoys realized the wishes and interests of Enryakuji vis-a-vis powers with opposing interests. To begin with, one assumption in proceeding with such an analysis is to discern if in fact Sanmon-shisetsu had the right to deliver and enforce transit permits for the tariff stations controlled by Enryakuji in Omi Province. The author discovers that these envoys did have that right for Enryakuji stations, but non-Enryakuji facilities were controlled by the Rokkaku 六角 and Kyogoku 京極 families in the areas they administered as provincial constables (shugo 守護) appointed by the Muromachi Bakufu. Secondly, concerning the origin and resolution of the Nanzenji Incident, the author turns to the subject of Enryakuji's economic interests and the groups of monks who profited from tariffs levied at the station at Sakamoto 坂本 and who revoked the transit permits out of protest over an exemption given to Nanzenji's first five hundred boatloads of goods to pass through the station. Playing the leading role in resolving the dispute was Goshoin 護正院 Temple, an influential Sanmon-shisetu in economic affairs within and outside of Enryakuji. Goshoin's success in negotiating a settlement (a promise by Nanzenji to pay all tariffs in addition to gratitude money) was due to its close involvement in the economic affairs of Enryakuji monks. One more important factor in the settlement was Enryakuji's firm belief that the Sanmon-shisetsu would express its demands to Nanzenji and protect its interests. Therefore, the author concludes that those appointed Sanmon-shisetsu by no means acted in accordance with the Bakafu's wishes in opposition to Enryakuji, but also contributed to the interests of the latter in certain cases. While serving two opposing powers, the Sanmon-shisetsu was extremely sensitive and flexible towards the demands of both, acting as an intermediary between the two and perceived by both as indispensable to their political activities.

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