本研究は、中華民国期の

工務局による既存道路の整備事業について、旧上海県城内外の道路整備を対象として土地収用に着目して実態を明らかにした。主な結果は以下のとおりである。1)中華民国期に実現した道路整備は一部に限られた。2)道路整備のための土地収用には、新たな法規に基づいて補償金が支払われた。しかし、は道路建設のための費用を受益者に負担させた。3)具体的な事例考察に基づき、法規をもとに土地収用が行われ、既存道路の整備事業を完了させていたことを確認した。以上より、中華民国期の都市計画に関する公共事業は、市政が確立していく過程において、主管局の体制や財政状況を踏まえて計画の実施に尽力していたことが明らかとなった。

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本研究はが都市内緑地として指定した〈楔型緑地〉の実態と効果について現地調査をもとに検証するとともに, 都市・農村の両者を含む合理的な土地利用秩序の形成や農地保全を実現するための方策について, 浦東新区の張家浜沿岸緑地の三橋村を事例として考察した. その結果, 楔型緑地計画に対して, 計画の基本理念・策定手続き・実現手段・土地利用実態への対策・地方出稼ぎ者の要因などの問題点を指摘した. それらの分析結果をふまえ, 大都市近郊における合理的な土地利用の誘導を目指し, a. 楔型緑地計画理念の一貫性と策定手続きの整合性, b. 土地利用規制手法の確保, c都市・農村の一体的整備手法の展開などについて提言を行った. 一方, 中国の国情に併せ, 地方出稼ぎ者への対応策などを, 提案した.

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本発表では、現習近平政権下における宗教状況をめぐるひとつの事例として、浦東新区にある経済特区における外国人プロテスタント信者に対して開かれた教会活動の現状について論じる。具体的には浦東新区にある教会堂である感恩堂および鴻恩堂における外国人礼拝の状況、またその比較対象として北京市にある海淀堂の外国人礼拝の状況について分析・議論する。

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This paper discusses the ‘Three Anti Campaign’ (against ‘corruption, waste, and the bureaucratic spirit’) implemented by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the early period of the Chinese People’s Republic, and seeks to analyze the following two aspects of the campaign:　(a) the political techniques used by the CCP to mobilize Shanghai workers and establish firmer political control over the factories; and (b) the campaign’s process and social influence, especially in the industrial sector of Shanghai.　
The ‘Three Anti Campaign’ was launched early in 1952. Directed against corruption, waste and the bureaucratic spirit of government officials, its main weight fell on the managers, administrators and technicians left over from the old regime (some of whom had served under the Kuomintang). In this campaign, a person who had embezzled more than 1,000 yuan was categorized as a laohu (tiger), and a person who had embezzled more than 10,000 yuan was called a dalaohu (big tiger). The primary target groups of this ‘tiger-hunting’ were the non-Communist workers and administrators of factories. In May 1952, 80.4% of laohu were ordinary residents who were not Communist party members, and 11.3% of laohu were technicians, including factory managers and administrators.　
The political techniques the CCP used to eliminate non-Communist local leaders can be categorized as follows:　
1. The allocation of laohu arrest rates to each party branch. The CCP assigned each party branch an arrest rate for laohu, and the factory party committee had to radicalize its political investigations to meet its quota.　
2. The combination of political investigation and mass mobilization. The factory party committee mobilized workers and held ‘struggle sessions’ to put pressure on ‘suspects’ to confess their crimes.　
3.The utilization of blood relations. The CCP mobilized the family members of ‘suspects’ to persuade the ‘suspect’ to admit to crimes, and some committees proclaimed that if the family members of a ‘suspect’ confessed his/her family member’s crime, a mitigated sentence would be given.　
As a result of this campaign, ‘political norms’ were brought into effect in factories, and workers began to be conscious of their own political acts. Political evaluation by the CCP began to be important in the industrial workplace in the 1950s. This campaign also had a great influence on the home environment. When the Communist ideology was applied to society, this ideology turned into moral obligations (‘living and dressing plainly’, ‘serving the people’, and so on). This moralization of socialism affected the social and political behavior of people living in Mao’s China.

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  In recent years, China’s rapid urbanization has had a major impact on traditional social and human relationships, and urban communities have weakened, making community restructuring an important issue.　In Shanghai, efforts to start urban agriculture such as community gardens and rooftop farms that emphasize social functions such as exchanges between urban residents are increasing.　For example, the spread of community gardens may create a virtuous cycle for building new communities as well as improving the satisfaction of residents’ community life （Ge et al. 2022）.　Also, these new types of urban agriculture are promoted by social entrepreneurs as a creative class and solve urban social problems through the creation of shared value （Kiminami et al., 2022b）.　However, few studies have focused on the relationships between the creative class and communities in urban agriculture （Exner and Schützenberger 2018）.

  Therefore, the purpose of this study was to clarify the mechanisms by which social entrepreneurs as a creative class solve social problems of community restructuring in huge cities through urban agriculture, targeting Shanghai, China.　To achieve the purpose of this study, we used mixed methods.　Specifically, we introduced three urban agriculture cases;community gardens, organic farms and rooftop gardens, and used a trajectory equifinality model （TEM） for the case studies.　The results indicated that the three social entrepreneurs have sensitive insight into social problems and are able to understand the needs of residents.　After starting their social businesses, they further increased their level of social entrepreneurship by constantly refreshing their awareness and actions through communication and interaction with residents.　In addition, we introduced latent class analysis （LCA） and cross-tabulation analysis into a questionnaire survey of local residents.　The results showed that the relationships between Shanghai residents and their community can be divided into four classes.　The class with the highest awareness of the community showed very high evaluations of involvement in urban agriculture and can be described as a creative class.　In conclusion, we contend that to achieve sustainable urban development city policy makers need to comprehend the true needs of urban residents, foster citizen engagement and prioritize creative classes and civic power in their approaches.

JEL Classifications:Q1

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The “Detailed Plan of Penglai-Lu District” was the end result of joint research efforts by urban planning specialist in Osaka (Japan) and Shanghai (China). During the course of this joint research, there was some divergence between the two parties as to the details and the expression of the plan, the key point being whether the detailed plan should be explicitly or implicitly drawn up and expressed. This difference in opinion may have great implications on the management of the detailed plan system within the framework of our own urban planning. This study is designed to collate those differences of opinion found in the course of that research in the hopes that our own detailed plan system might be carried out more efficiently.

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