The primary concern of this paper is to clarify the approach of the Syoukouji Temple to the authority of the Tenno and his court. This paper is based on a study on the "Kizokuka" of the Hongwanji Temple that was suggested by TSUJI Zennosuke and WAKITA Haruko. I use two research methods. Firstly, I examin the incident in which the Nishi Hongwanji Temple seized the land of the Syoukouji Temple. Secondly, I consider the economic foundation of the Syoukouji Temple from the perspective of spreading the sect's teachings. This article is for people who are interested in Shin Buddhism and early modern Japanese history The main findings of this paper are as follows. 1. The Syoukouji Temple built up a relationship with Tenno and his court by maintaining a religious relationship with Kujoke and Chitokuin. 2. The sect's believers in Satsuma and Ryukyu supported the "Kizokuka" of the Syoukouji Temple. 3. Belief was orientated towards the Tenno and his court in early modern times.

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近世初期から宝永期までの摂家住宅における数寄屋風書院について考察を行なった。その結果, 殿舎構成は, 近世初期には寝殿(広間)-書院(対面所, 学問所)-常御殿であり, 延宝期頃から寝殿-大書院-小書院-御座間へと変化した。これらの殿舎構成の内, 前者では書院なる殿舎に数寄屋風書院の要素が現われ, 後者では小書院なる殿舎を中心に大書院等にも現われていた。書院なる殿舎の数寄屋風書院の特徴は座敷飾が数多く設けられ, 自由な配置が取られている。又機能的には振舞が中心に行われていた事がわかる。その後延宝頃になると殿舎構成も変化し, 小書院を中心に数寄屋風書院が現われ, それまで見られなかった数寄屋風書院の要素が現われた。すなわち主室に炉が切られ, 直接落縁になり, 大きく土庇が廻っていた。又天井も平縁天井, 柱についても面皮柱が用いられていたと思われる。この様な数寄屋風書院の機能は烟草, 菓子, 盃の振舞と共に茶も行なわれていた事が確認され, 摂家住宅における数寄屋風書院は宝永期頃までに, すべての要素が出尽くしていたと考えられる。本報告に御教示下さいました熊本大学教授堀内清治博士, 東工大教授平井聖博士に謝意を表します。

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the details of how the "Shinden-zu" was drawn. It is possible that Kozen Uramatsu was the author of the "Shinden-zu" and he described it based on some historical materials. These materials also helped the author of the "Tbka-Zasho" complete his work. These materials asserted that it was a drawing of a resident building where Gokyogoku-dono was living in Kamakura period. But in fact, It was the drawing of a mid 17^<th> century residence of the Kujo-family. Kozen carelessly believed it true. It probably happened because there was a historical background that Kujo-family was building a traditional shinden in a Heian revivalistic style during early modern period.

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In mid-Edo Period the poets of the Dōjō school composed waka poems on the shoji paper doors at the “kirokujo” judicial office under the auspices of Emperor Sakuramachi. The aim of this paper is to trace the historical background of this work and explicate its exquisite treatment of the landscapes and histories of the famous places. It was a by-product of the two preceding works on the byōbu folding screens. One was produced at the “daijōe” imperial enthronement ceremony which was revived after the last one for Emperor Go-Tsuchimikado held about two hundred and seventy years. The other was the poems of the four seasons in the famous places of the Kantō district composed by the major poets of the imperial waka circle at the request of Tokugawa-Yoshimune. The shoji poetry was modeled after them, but it was an innovation. Until the Hōei Period the rooms in the imperial court had been furnished in Chinese style by the government. With waka poems and “yamoto-e” paintings the emperor boldly renovated them into the space of Japanese art. Later in the Kansei Period it inspired Emperor Kōkaku to make an unprecedented attempt to neo-classically ornament the Seiryō-den Palace with shoji poems. The collaboration of architecture, literature, and art had changed the palace into a site symbolic of the ideal of the country.

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1840年に死去した上皇兼仁には「光格天皇」の号が贈られた。『書経』堯典の「光四表を被し、上下に格る」に出典をもつ諡号「光格」と「天皇」との組み合わせであり、平安後期から採用例がほとんどない天皇号と漢風諡号の再興である。本論文はこの事件を素材に、近世後期における朝廷運営の変化、そして当時の学問・思想動向が朝廷に与えた影響を検討したものである。
従来、天皇号・漢風諡号の再興は光格天皇による朝儀復古の延長上で考察され、他の朝廷関係者の役割については検討が不十分であった。そして天皇号・漢風諡号の再興を唱えた儒学者中井竹山の「草茅危言」などが再興の背景として指摘されるものの、かかる思想動向と朝廷の意思決定過程との直接的な関係は分かっていない。
一方、仁斎学を継承する古義堂の5代目伊藤東峯は、天皇号・漢風諡号再興について関白鷹司政通の諮問を極秘裏に受けていた。この事実は、従来の研究史でほとんど忘れられていた。本論文は天理大学の古義堂文庫史料を活用し、再興実現の経緯を全面的に再検討した。
政通は仁孝天皇が再興の意志を表向きに示す前から、再興について江戸幕府と内々に交渉して承諾を得ていた。そして光格・仁孝天皇の漢風諡号は、いずれも古義堂伊藤家が政通の依頼で考案したものである。紀伝道の伝統をもつ菅原氏の公家が天皇の表向きの指示を受けて諡号を考案したが、政通が菅原氏の案を内々に検討しており、その過程で伊藤家の案が反映されたと判断できる。若年期から伊藤家に師事した政通が東峯をかなり親しく思ったこと、そして東峯が中井竹山の再興論を重視したことも興味深い。
主に幕末期の行跡で知られてきた鷹司政通が幕末以前の朝廷運営で示した姿勢、そのブレインとして京都町方の学者が果たした役割、そして朝廷をめぐる朝廷外部の言説が朝廷周辺に与えた影響など、近世朝廷像の更新に資する様々な動向が明らかになったといえる。

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This article aims at clarifying the existence and social position of lower ranking groups of officials serving the imperial court known as jigekanjin地下官人, by investigating commoners (peasants and townsfolk) who were so appointed. The author begins by describing the organizational characteristics of jigekanjin and their place in the social hierarchy. Each group was led by a liaison officer (furegashira触頭) who would relay orders from the imperial household and take reports and petitions from the group back to the court. Jigekanjin groups themselves sometimes possessed their own lower strata, called gekanjin下官人 and made up of common peasants and townsfolk. The author then conducts an analysis of the inheritance practices and of the function played by gekanjin in imperial household ceremonies. Anyone who desired to become a gekanjin mere had to pay an appointment fee, no screening process concerning social background, etc. being required. The position could be handed down from father to son, but soon became an asset (kabu株) monopolized by guild membership, as early as the mideighteenth century. The roles played by gekanjin in court ceremonies were quite simple and required no training whatsoever. Therefore, they were not able to participate in such specialized tasks as recording keeping and food preparation, but merely contributed to the hustle and bustle of the events. Next, the author turns to the existence of gekanjin in the capital region. While they were definitely upper ranking commoners in social terms, they were not always such in economic status. They possessed two different names: one representing their position in the local community, the other their position in their jigekanjin organizations. They were also allowed to carry swords and lanterns painted with their family insignia, whenever active in the service of the court. They were formed and reproduced as the lowest strata of jigekanjin tied to together in horizontal relationships. Finally, the author looks at the increase in jigekanjin that occurred during the late Tokugawa period. As Takano Toshihiko has argued, the emperor and the court continued to play the role of mediator during the regime of Shogun Ieshige, attempting to add stability to his questionable political leadership capabilities. There was also a movement to revive court ceremonies, prompting jigekanjin to perceive their role in court affairs with greater enthusiasm, resulting in the establishment of the post of gekanjin. This in turn created a competitive spirit among jigekanjin and resulted in more and more gekanjin recruitment.

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