中国における鉄道客車ごみの量は増加し, 1997年には20万tを越えたと推定される.特にプラスチックなどの包装廃棄物の占める率が急速に上昇しており, 窓から投棄するなどの悪習の残滓 (し) や処理システムの不整備と相まって, それらによる駅周辺や沿線のごみ汚染は依然として深刻である.また, 客車ごみの管理計画でもいくつかの間題を抱えている.本報では, まず現在の中国の客車ごみ状況を概説し, さらに客車ごみの排出主体, 時間および地域などの特性を分析している.また, 客車ごみ排出源の管理対策を提起し, 客車ごみ管理や削減対策の計画策定にいくつかの提案を行っている.同時に, 日本との比較をしている.

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The Chinese National Association of Vocational Education began the reform of rural enterprise in the late 1920s to the 1930s. Because of the ruined condition of the villages of China, the enterprise of rural reform was aimed at the reconstruction of rural society. In 1926, in order to start the enterprise of rural reform, a rural reform experimental borough was established at Xugongqiao, Kunshan county, Jiangsu province in order to commence the enterprise of rural reform by the Chinese National Association of Vocational Education. From then on, twenty-seven experimental boroughs were established on the model of Xugongqiao, prompting the enterprise of rural reform before the beginning of war between Japan and China in 1937. The establishment of the Xugongqiao experimental borough was due to Huang Yan-pei, who devised the concept of combining educational and social reform. The promotion of reform was achieved through special methods such as the popularization of agricultural technology, the development of agricultural production, the improvement of peasant life, rural social reform, etc. Vocational education in Xugongqiao did not focus on school education but on continuing education of adult peasants through the popularization of modern agricultural methods and the methods of increasing agricultural production. The agricultural field was turned into an educational field and peasants were taught agricultural knowledge and technology necessary for agricultural production. Vocational education was directly connected to economic development, which was the core of Mr. Huang Yan-pei's concept. Although the experiment of rural reform at Xugongqiao used no textbooks and had few qualified teachers, the association tried to popularize practical agricultural knowledge and technology. Huang Yan-pei anticipated that through a focus on production, this new vocational education would encourage the peasants' eagerness to study. The Xugongqiao experiment was not only the beginning of a rural educational movement, but it also later developed into a rural construction movement.

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During the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) conducted guerrilla warfare in areas occupied by the Imperial Japanese Army. The Kuomintang aimed to continue the fight against Japan while maintaining their own governing authority in those regions by mobilizing the local population under Japanese occupation for guerrilla warfare. They carried out operations to disrupt logistics and transportation networks controlled by the Japanese forces.

Prior studies have evaluated the KMT’s wartime mobilization system as a “total war” system premised on the penetration of ruling power into society. However, according to some empirical studies on the wartime mobilization system in enemy-occupied areas, spontaneously organized self-defense groups and bandit groups were mobilized for guerrilla warfare, and the conscription system that had been established before the war did not function. Considering this point, it is necessary to conduct a comprehensive reexamination of the KMT’s wartime mobilization system, including the actual condition of their guerrilla warfare.

This paper turns its attention to “Jiangnan” region in southern Jiangsu Province, where Nanjing and Shanghai, which were important political and economic bases for the KMT, were located, and which became the front line after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. The paper then examines the extent to which the KMT was able to build a modern military based on a compulsory military service system in the “Jiangnan” region. Then, this paper will shift its attention to the Loyal Patriotic Army, a paramilitary organization of the Kuomintang that played a leading role in guerrilla warfare against the Japanese in “Jiangnan”, and clarified the actual situation of unit management, including the acquisition of soldiers, using primary historical documents. Through this work, this paper reexamines the KMT’s wartime mobilization system at the front-line areas and in the Japanese-occupied areas, which had not been sufficiently examined in previous studies.

This paper reveals that the Loyal Patriotic Army’s main source of soldiers was the various armed forces that emerged because of the weakening of the KMT’s rule. These armed forces could have been the immediate military power of the Loyal Patriotic Army, but their behavior was based on their own survival strategy rather than anti-Japanese consciousness, and it was difficult to control them. Therefore, while relying on these armed forces for wartime mobilization, the KMT continued to face the challenge of “domestic pacification,” which is a process of centralized control of the violent apparatus.

In conclusion, this paper points out that the KMT’s wartime mobilization in “Jiangnan” during the Sino-Japanese War was not based on a total war system but was dependent on local voluntary armed forces that became active partly because of the retreat of the party’s governing power. The KMT was able to mobilize such armed forces because the interests of both sides coincided in securing the war effort and guaranteeing survival, but this symbiotic relationship was very fragile.

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