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（書評）西岡虎之助著「「荘園史の研究」(下一、二)」

平山行三

法制史研究
1958年 1958 巻 8 号 268-269
発行日: 1958/03/30
公開日: 2009/11/16

DOI https://doi.org/10.5955/jalha.1958.268

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（書評）河音能平編著「中世文書論の視座」

井ケ田良治

法制史研究
1997年 1997 巻 47 号 182-187
発行日: 1998/03/30
公開日: 2009/11/16

DOI https://doi.org/10.5955/jalha.1997.182

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奉納型一揆契状と交換型一揆契状

呉座勇一

史学雑誌
2007年 116 巻 1 号 1-35
発行日: 2007/01/20
公開日: 2017/12/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.24471/shigaku.116.1_1

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The present article divides mutual defence alliance agreements (ikki keijo) concluded among locally based samurai (kokujin) into those sworn to in the name of a deity or Buddha and those exchanged among the signatories, each type being different with respect to content and social function. The classic agreement of such diplomatics has been modeled after the documents from the Matsuura region of Kyushu, containing the signatures of the alliance members, but having no addressee. However, in the case of secret alliances, there are documents that were addressed from one alliance member to another. From the form and content of this latter type, it seems that one copy was circulated, or exchanged, among the members. In this case, the members swore to each other that they would lend mutual assistance in the midst of any danger that may befall any of them. The research to date on these diplomatics is of the opinion that their form changed over time from agreements with addressees to those in which the addressees were merely left out. However, this idea seems a bit too simple, for the circulated type was still being used during the late medieval period. Moreover, throughout the period the circulating type was used in various ways: for example, as a document sent from A to B, B to C and C to A, thus forming a tripartite agreement, but on an individual-to-individual basis. Another important point is that agreements without addressees generally emphasized swearing allegiance in the name of a deity, the de facto addressee, for the purpose of not only expressing solemnity of commitment within the alliance, but also demonstrating such solidarity in written form to outside parties, since in fact this form was often made public in a "holy water" drinking ceremony (ichimi shinsui) before a large gathering of samurai. In contrast, the agreements that circulated among alliance members were not made public, having been drawn up for the purpose of forming secret pacts.
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史学文献目録 : 日本史V

史学雑誌
2004年 113 巻 11 号 1962-1933
発行日: 2004/11/20
公開日: 2017/12/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.24471/shigaku.113.11_1962

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学会情報

人文地理
2006年 58 巻 4 号 413-426
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2018/01/06

DOI https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.58.4_413

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琉球王国と中世日本 : その関係の変遷

黒嶋敏

史学雑誌
2000年 109 巻 11 号 1992-2014
発行日: 2000/11/20
公開日: 2017/11/30

DOI https://doi.org/10.24471/shigaku.109.11_1992

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The research done to date on the relations between Japan and the Ryukyu Islands has tended focus its discussion on the Shimazu family of the Satsuma region in Kyushu. The Shimazu family was not only granted various rights over the Ryukyus, but also carried out a direct invasion of its territory. It is true that many of the historical sources related to the subject come from the Shimazu family, and it cannot be denied that the two regions were closely related geographically. However, it is the opinion of the author of the present paper that the focus of the research to date has placed to much emphasis on the history of the Shimazu family rather than the history of international relations between two countries. He sets out to reexamine the research and offer a broader point of view, while criticizing the conventional interpretation of the Shimazu family documents. As the result of this examination, the author divides the relations between medieval Japan and the Ryukyu Kingdom into four different periods. The first period, spanning the first half of the fifteenth century, involved mainly the Muromachi Bakufu on the Japan side, which dispatched emissaries to the Ryukyus on a yearly basis. During the second period, from 1470 to 1520, the Hosokawa family issued sealed orders permitting such parties as pirates on the Inland Sea and the Shimazu family to conduct maritime trade with the Ryukyus. The focus of the third period, 1520 to 1560, shifted to the Ouchi family, as internal division spread among the Shimazu resulting in a loss of their political influence in Ryukyu affairs. The final period, from 1560 on, centered around the Shimazu family, now unified as a powerful sengoku daimyo and assuming a position to demand exclusive rights to deal with the Ryukyus. It was also a time that the Ryukyu Kingdom attempted to free itself from international relations in which it was subordinated to Japan. According to this periodization scheme, it is clear that the Shimazu family played the role of a mere intermediary during most of the medieval period. Throughout the period, the Ryukyus were placed by Japan within subordinate relationships to political forces centered on the Muromachi shogunate.
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日本中世和化漢文における非使役「令」の機能

永澤済

言語研究
2021年 159 巻 37-68
発行日: 2021年
公開日: 2021/03/30

DOI https://doi.org/10.11435/gengo.159.0_37

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中国漢文において助動詞「令」は〈使役〉を表すが，日本中世の和化漢文では，本来の〈使役〉用法から派生したとみられる独自の非〈使役〉用法が非常に広範囲に使用されている。この「令」の機能について，従来，取り除いても文意に影響しないとの見方や，〈謙譲〉〈再帰〉〈意志動詞化〉等の意を表すとの見方が示されてきたが，統一的な結論は出ていない。本稿では，従来の意味中心の分析ではなく，構文機能に目を向けることで次のように結論した。非使役「令」の機能は動詞マーカー／動詞化である。助詞や接辞を表し得ない和化漢文で，和語の軽動詞「する」を代替した。その起源は，本来使役を表す「S令V」構文が（他）動詞文と意味的に隣接するケースにおいて，「令」の表す使役の意が後退して単なる動詞マーカーと解釈されたものと推定される。Vの位置には，意志行為，非意志現象，無生物主体の事象，形容詞まで幅広く立つ。先行研究で「令」は「致」との類似性が指摘されたが，「致」の後続語は意志行為に限られかつ「令」の場合のような動詞化はせず名詞的性格にとどまる点で，両者の機能は異なる。

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薩摩藩外城制度の成立と元和の一国一城令

薩摩藩外城制度の研究(一)

原口虎雄

法制史研究
1986年 1986 巻 36 号 77-142,en4
発行日: 1987/03/30
公開日: 2009/11/16

DOI https://doi.org/10.5955/jalha.1986.77

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Tojo, or outer-castle, system in Satsuma is unique in Japan under the Baku-Han Regime. The system was the basic unit in Satsuma's social structure. The system survived the enforcement of "Genna-no-ikkoku-ichijorei" (Order of Bakufu restricting the number of castles to one in each han). This paper is an attempt to give an account of the process of its establishment and consider the implications of the functions of such a system of social organization on Satsuma's internal and external policy.
Tojo-system was a social institution with decentralized military deployment. Under this system Shimazu, the feudal Lord of Satsuma, divided its territory into 113 districts. The administrative functions were performed by the distinctive samurai-group headed by jito. The office of jito was called "jito-kariya", and the zone of residence for the samurai group was named "funioto". The jito was entitled to serve as the commander who could mobilize the samurai group to form an army corp at an emergency. In Satsuma all the samurai, except for about 5, 000 Kagoshima jokashi (the castle town samurai), resided in fumoto living on farming. Those samurai were earlier called Tojo-shuju, or goshi later. The Tojo zones were not the same as those in the age of the Warring States. Most of them were settled in the early part of the Tokugawa Era under the new system that had replaced the older one.
The Tojo-system was constructed incrementally in the process of Shimazu's integration of three shu, or provinces: Satsuma, Osumi and Hyuga. There is some reasonable ground for identifying the year of the establishment of this system as around the fifth year of Keicho (1600).
The Shimazu family founded its dictatorship in 1600 after the long battles that ravaged the area since 1526 when Takahisa succeeded the dynasty. The Shimazu successively conquered the antagonistic local clans in the domain, with the final battle ending in the defeat of Ijuin Kogan (Shonai-no-ran, 1599-1600).
Around the mid-1590s Toyotomi Hideyoshi, the Grand Warrior Lord of the nation, ordered a land survey (1594-1595), which benefited the Shimazu as they conducted-a large-scale replacement of the leading vassals to achieve their hegemony.
As a step toward integration the Shimazu started to build new Tojo as well as to re-arrange the existing ones throughout the territories. Because of their strategic importance the Tojo at the border, such as Izumi on the gateway to Higo, Okuchi to Kuma, and Takaoka and Shibushi to Hyuga, commanded Shimazu's most serious attention. Shimazu placed his most trusted and influential samurai heads to those places where they promoted drastic social reforms and set up a strict control system for the trans-border traffic.
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