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  • ―鎌倉公方の服飾を中心として―
    杉山 一弥
    日本家政学会誌
    2007年 58 巻 5 号 283-292
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2010/07/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Kamakura-nenchuu-gyouji is a description of the clothing in various classes of samurai in East Japan. The clothes and accessories were different for each class. They were required by Kamakura-kubou to dress in different colors, shapes, and materials. This applied to every event and ceremony. There were also differences in vehicles. Mon, weaved into clothes, was also very important, because Mon was an expression of the Japanese sense of beauty. The giving a way of clothes after wearing them was also very important in the Muromachi period. The rules of clothing applied not only to daily clothing but also to armaments. Clothing always symbolized the classes and formality. In East Japan in the Muromachi period, the clothing of samurai were determined not by the scale of one's power but by the status of the Kamakura-Fu.
  • 中尾 七重
    建築史学
    2019年 72 巻 2-33
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2020/04/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 下澤 敦
    法制史研究
    1994年 1994 巻 44 号 228-230
    発行日: 1995/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中尾 七重
    建築史学
    2017年 69 巻 76-77
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/10/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 林 琳
    建築史学
    2017年 69 巻 75-76
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/10/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 畠山 亮
    法制史研究
    2001年 2001 巻 51 号 101-124,en7
    発行日: 2002/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    Recent studies of the late medieval Japanese constitutional history focus on regional communities, and place special focus on the fact that the structure of social order was autonomous and self-enforced by the people themselves. These viewpoints are based upon the concept of the Kubo, which has a meaning of keeping the village community peace. Examining the term Kubo mainly, I will reconsider the position of the feudal lord in the late medieval village community.
    From the research of the Kubo in Suganoura during the Muromachi era, I found that the concept of the public (Oyake, [_??_]) in the late medieval regional community has a strong relationship with the govern-mental authorities. This means that we have to attach more importance to the substance of the Kubo - the governmental authorities, to say more, being the lord of the manor.
    Considering above, I carried out the research on the position of the feudal lord by examining Kujo Masamoto, who was a lord of Hine-no-sho. Kujo was struggling with the Hosokawa family (Shugo, _??__??_) and the heads of the Negoro-temple for the dominance of the Hine-no-sho. Kujo's power base was not as strong as Hosokawa's, but the regional community never prevented Kujo from being the lord of the manor. This was because of the legitimacy derived from his position as the Kubo. I can also find that the Negoro-temple possessed the necessary qualities for the position as lord, as they had not only sufficient military forces but also religious authority accepted by the regional community. The Negoro-temple therefore succeeded Kujo as the next lord with few complications.
    In conclusion, although recent studies place too much emphasis on the said concept of the Kubo, it is impossible to clarify the whole constitutional situation during the late medieval period from these onesided views. It is therefore necessary to regard the feudal lord from a more holistic perspective, in other words, by attaching importance not only to the concept of the Kubo but also to the substance of it.
  • 山本 弘
    法制史研究
    2003年 2003 巻 53 号 237-239
    発行日: 2004/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中村 泰朗
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2025年 90 巻 833 号 1580-1591
    発行日: 2025/07/01
    公開日: 2025/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article discusses the Shuden of the Kamakura Kubo Residence as described in the Denchu-Ika-Nenchu-Gyoji. The layout of the rooms in the Shuden is as follows. Adjacent to the room called the Nami-no-Otsumato-no-Ma was the room called the Omuma, and adjacent to the Omuma was the room called the Omote-no-Otsumato-no-Ma. To the left of the Omote-no-Otsumato-no-Ma was the protruding area called the Ochumon. At the back of the Omote-no-Otsumato-no-Ma was the room called Junima. The main room of the Shuden was Junima, and the Omote-no-Otsumato-no-Ma was the room equivalent to the Kugyou-no-Ma.

  • 新田 一郎
    法制史研究
    2002年 2002 巻 52 号 214-217
    発行日: 2003/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西村 安博
    法制史研究
    1996年 1996 巻 46 号 165-173
    発行日: 1997/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 古山珠阿弥陀仏をめぐって
    田中 純子
    洛北史学
    2001年 3 巻 24-49
    発行日: 2001/06/08
    公開日: 2024/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    室町幕府の職制の一つである同朋衆は、幕府の職制に組み込まれる以前と以後を区別することなく、ほぼ二〇〇年間の長きに亘り将軍の側近くに存在した阿弥号者として、同一視点で捉えられ一括りにして論じてこられたことに疑問を持ち、幕府職制成立以前と以後に分けて考察するべきであると考えた。まず、職制成立以前の将軍側近の阿弥号者を「
    公方
    遁世者」とよぶこととし、本稿では特に義満期の「
    公方
    遁世者」の実態を、古山珠阿弥陀仏を通して検討した。その結果、幕府職制下の同朋衆とは全く異なる「
    公方
    遁世者」の実態が明らかとなった。彼らは時衆と深く関わっており、時衆を源流とする一芸一能に秀で、その一芸一能を媒介に将軍と個人的なつながりを持つのである。その上、彼らは経済的に独立していて将軍に隸属し全面的に仕えるということはせず、自らの芸能や技術を提供していた。古山珠阿弥陀仏においては「
    公方
    遁世者」として活躍しながら、高野山時衆として高野山西塔聖として常に 高野山に軸足を置き、高野山を拠点として活動していたことが判明した。こうした多面的な姿こそ時衆の本質であり、義満期の「
    公方
    遁世者」の実態であった。
  • 藤田 覚
    法制史研究
    2003年 2003 巻 53 号 199-203
    発行日: 2004/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐々木 和之
    水資源・環境研究
    2015年 28 巻 1 号 24-30
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2015/07/11
    ジャーナル フリー
     1994年の河川敷地占用許可準則の改正により、河川空間を万人が等しく利用できる自由使用に限定するのではなく、河川環境との調和や多くの住民が使用する特定目的使用についても占用を認める旨の変更が行われた。以来数度の改正を経て、住民が提起した新たな利用ができる制度の枠組みは増えつつある。 しかしながら制度を生かそうとしても、実際に住民が新たな利用を始めるには、管理者である行政との連繋・調整をいかに行っていくかという課題がある。行政との連繋・調整を補う「繋ぎ役」がいることが望まれる。そこで本稿では住民が提起した新たな利用について、どのように連繋・調整を始めたのか、先行事例である広島・太田川のポップラ・ペアレンツ・クラブ(以下、PPC)、茨城・古河総合公園のパークマスターを対象として調査を行った。
  • 亀田 俊和
    法制史研究
    2016年 65 巻 199-200
    発行日: 2016/03/30
    公開日: 2022/03/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 天野 忠幸, 樋口 健太郎
    地域史研究
    2018年 2018 巻 118 号 152-172
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2021/11/08
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 神野 潔
    法制史研究
    2017年 66 巻 291-297
    発行日: 2017/03/30
    公開日: 2023/01/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ─歴史認識を形成する戦国軍記─
    小秋元 三八人
    中世文学
    2023年 68 巻 132-142
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2024/11/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 博信
    史学雑誌
    1978年 87 巻 2 号 203-218,272-27
    発行日: 1978/02/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article seeks to clarify concretely the relationship between two powerful families in the Sengoku period, the Gohojoshi and the Ashikagashi, as part of the author's research on Kogakubo (古河
    公方
    ). While rejecting such explanations of these families' relationship as one of compromise or envelopment, theories which ignore the strained relationship between these families, the author examines step by step the strained relations between these two families. He concludes that their relationship developed in the following stages : 1.Before the establishment of marital relations 2.After the establishment of marital relations 3.After the rise of Kubo Yoshiuji (
    公方
    義氏) a.Hoshun・indono (芳春院殿) b.Hoshun・inshuko (芳春院周興) 4.The era of Hojo Ujiteru (北条氏照) After the fourth stage the Gohojoshi control of the government was accomplished, and the Kogakubo Ashikagashi existed only as a symbol of authority, thus distinguishing this period from earlier periods when the Ashikagashi held real power. Stages two and three were when the Kogakubo Ashikagashi tried to maintain its power through its symbolic authority. The Gohojoshi was establishing close relations with it through marriages. Then, as a member of the family and the actual Kanto Kanrei (関東管領), Gohojoshi took full advantage of its power and sought to establish itself as Daimyo-Ryogoku-Sei (大名領国制). Thus, the Gohojoshi held a two-sided relationship with the Ashikagashi. During the third stage this two-sided relationship continued when Yoshiuji was not at all a puppet. Hoshun・indono, the daughter of Hojo Ujitsuna (北条氏綱の娘) and mother of Yoshiuji, and then later on the Zen monk Hoshun・inshuko both played important function in developing this two-sided relationship to an extreme degree. Hoshun・inshuko, as the head of the sojya (奏者), had an important role in many ways, even in the composition of formal documents, and he took an active role in changing the power structure of the kubo. Also, at this time the Esso (越相) Alliance was formed between two former rivals, Echigo Uesugishi (越後上杉) and Gohojoshi. This new alliance confirmed the relationship between the Gohojoshi and the Kubo Yoshiuji, while it also brought to an end the external function of Yoshiuji. Thereby the Gohojoshi could end its two-sided relationship with Yoshiuji and changed him into just one of the feudal lords under the Gohojoshi rule. Yoshiuji survived only as a symbol of authority without any political base but for his position as an ancestor of the Ashikagashi.
  • 高橋 康夫
    日本建築学会論文報告集
    1979年 282 巻 169-176
    発行日: 1979/08/30
    公開日: 2017/08/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper, taking over the preceding papers, will deal with the problem of the formative period by investigating the stage of Cho and Machigumi grawing. Contents of this is as follows. 1. Disputed point. 2. Analysis of the affair in the seventh year of Daiei Period. 3. Toward the establishment of the Rokucho Organization.
  • 山田 邦明
    史学雑誌
    1987年 96 巻 3 号 310-341,412-41
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Conventional research on Kamakura-Fu (鎌倉府), which ruled the ten eastern provinces of the Kanto region during the Muromachi period, has tended to concentrate more on its relationship with the Muromachi Bakufu in Kyoto and less on what kind of power structure supported it and how this government controlled the various classes in the Kanto area. The present paper starts out to consider Kamakura-Fu's power structure and its control over the Kanto Plain, especially the power base of the Kamakura Kubo (鎌倉
    公方
    ). Then, the author switches attention to the Hoko-shu (奉公衆) itself, which formed the military and political base of the Kamakura Kubo's ruling power ; and together with identifying that group of attendants from existing documents, he summarizes the Hoko-shu's conditions of existence and its organizational process. Concerning the Hoko-shu's conditions of existence, from the historical source entitled Kamakura Nenchu Gyoji (鎌倉年中行事), describing yearly events and ceremonies in that administrative town, we find three statuses within the Hoko-shu, namely 1)the Hyojo-shu (評定衆), 2)the Hikitsuke-shu (引付衆) and 3)other members. We see clear status discrimination toward those "other members" excluded from (or positioned below) statuses 1) and 2). Also, as the Hoko-shu formed a rotation system for guarding the Kubo's palace (gosho 御所), there were also members located (or living) in the provinces. The author was able to identify from the available sources 74 members of the Kamakura-Fu Hoko-shu. Their names and conditions of membership may be summarized as follows : A)The Ashikaga clan families including the Kira (吉良), Shibukawa (渋川), Isshiki (一色), Imagawa (今川), Kako (加子) and Hatakeyama (畠山). B)The original Ashikaga family vassals including the Uesugi (上杉), Ko (高), Kido (木戸), Noda (野田), Teraoka (寺岡), Kajiwara (梶原), Ebina (海老名), Shidara (設楽) and Yanada (簗田). C)Traditional Kamakura based bureaucrats including the Nikaido (二階堂), Nagai (長井), and Machino (町野). All of the families included in A, B and C served the Kamakura Kubo from the inception of Kamakura-Fu ; and during the era of Kubo Motouji (1349-67), the B group of Ashikaga vassals formed the dominant power group of the Hoko-shu. However, beginning from the era of Kubo Ujimitsu (1367-98) the Kamakura Kubo more and more included in the Hoko-shu many provincial bigmen (kokujin 国人) throughout the Kanto Plain. And so, when Mitsukane became Kubo (1398-1409), the number of Hoko-shu members had greatly increased, and their main source of power had shifted to a new group (D) made up of these same Kanto Plain kokujin. These included the likes of the Ohmori (大森) of Suruga, the Honma (本間) and Miura (三浦) of Sagami, the Edo (江戸) of Musashi, the Satomi (里見), Yamana (山名), Nawa (那波) and Takayama (高山) of Kozuke, the Sano (佐野) of Shimotsuke, the Shishido (宍戸), Tsukuba (筑波) and Oda (小田) of Hitachi and the Unagami (海上), Indo (印東) and Ryugasaki (龍崎) of Shimousa. During Mitsukane's reign such families as the Shishido and Unagami even appear in the elite corps of Kubo palace functionaries (gosho bugyo 御所奉行). As a result of their personal hold over these Kanto Plain kokujin, the Kamakura Kubos were able to expand quite successfully their own direct military bases.
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