This research studies the validity of analyzing Kominkan's functions in three areas (demand, compositional, elemental functions) and showing their relationships systematically. In the analysis of the functions, the importance of ranking demand, compositional and elemental functions was shown. The historical analysis of Kominkan's function showed that there are functions that change through time and those that remain unchanged. The social education function and the assembly function were general demand functions that remained unchanged. Also, it was shown that the combined use of rooms can be planned through the application of the stage of thought development in a design.

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This article studies the number of military officers among Imperial Diet members and their influence in prewar Japan. The first half explores the number of officer MPs on the basis of biographical dictionaries edited by the House of Representatives and the House of Councilors. The author finds that 1) their number was not very large, except during World War II ; 2) their number among members of the House of Representatives increased after the fourteenth general election (1920) ; 3) many generals and admirals were made barons after the Russo-Japanese War, and some of these were elected as a member of the House of Peers. The second half of the article analyzes the activities of officer MPs after the year 1920. They did share common interests with the military authorities as servicemen ; however, a conflict of interest arose between ex-servicemen and active-servicemen. Therefore, they were not always loyal supporters of the military authorities. In conclusion, officer MPs had considerable influence as military specialists, representatives of ex-servicemen and supporters of the military authorities in the Diet despite their position as a minority. It was often the case that they were detrimental to parliamentary government due to their anti-liberal and anti-party government tendencies.

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How does a nation cope with a situation in which its sovereign cannot convene the parliament? This is exactly the problem that arose in Japan when enacting the Wartime Emergency Measures Act at the end of the Pacific War. The research to date has made two points : 1) the Emergency Measures Act was "legislation of the highest delegated authority," and 2) the Diet resisted the government by criticizing the relation between this bill and Article 31 of the Constitution, which provided for emergency powers. The author of the present article focuses on the fact that the mainstream opinion in the Diet was that the Emperor should exercise emergency powers and concludes the following. The Dainihon Seijikai was intent on making the Wartime Emergency Measures Committee a de facto standing committee, and in making this a reality, supported the imperial exercise of emergency powers. On the other hand, the Gokoku Doshikai and Koseikai stood together on the issue in principle, but the former intended to use those powers in continuing the War, while the latter thought that they would help control the military and realize a peaceful settlement. A group of Diet members from the Godo and Nissei parties led by Funada Naka attempted to create a political regime committed to an all out war of resistance through emergency powers governance based on a "national guard" formed in alliance with the Imperial Army. Given the inability to convene the Diet, this "national guard" took on the split personality of a legislative body of Diet members and a symbol of "national leadership," the latter character functioning to institutionalize the organization's internal workings. Under such a "national emergency" situation, it became possible to reinterpret the constitutional views held by the two former leading parties in terms of Article 31 instead of provisions related to the Diet. Although the question of what would happen if the Diet could be reconvened under such conditions was rendered moot in the midst of Japan's defeat, it was to become a point of debate within the process of promulgating the new constitution. Here, we can confirm the intent of political parties at the time to perform the dismantling and rebuilding necessary to transfer emergency powers exercised by the emperor under the Meiji Constitution to the Diet as the holder of ultimate political authority.

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The purpose of this article is to show adjustment to the party rules by the leaders of the Kenkyukai, which was a party in the House of Peers, and influence of their activities on the political situation under the first WAKATSUKI Reijiro cabinet. By passing its act of manhood suffrage in 1925, the Japanese House of Representatives received firmer legitimacy. It was expected that party-led governments would continue, but that rebutted political action by the House of Peers. In particular the members of the Kenkyukai needed their legitimacy, because they had lost legitimacy on due to their coalition with the KATO Tomosaburo cabinet and KIYOURA Keigo cabinets, which were blamed for being partyless. Then KONOE Fumimaro advocated that the House of Peers should defer to the cabinet based on a majority in the Lower House. This seemed to be adequate for recoverring their legitimacy at first glance, but it was impossible to put into practice very easily, since there was no party with an absolute majority in the House of Representatives at that time and the parties were bickering among themselves. So the leaders of the Kenkyukai tried to form a majority in the House of Representatives by stabilizing the tumult, hoping that popularity and legitimacy would result from their action. At first they supported WAKATSUKI's government and tried to make it join hands with Seiyuhonto. But they suddenly began to blame the government for its maladministration in October in 1926. The turn of the front office of Kenkyukai tipped the scale.

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The Parties became parts of the formal political structure in 1889 with establishment of the Lower House by the Meiji Constitution. But the institutional Meiji arrangement established by the constitution was unfavorable to them.Among the institutions created by the constitution was the House of Peers, a body not popularly elected, and therefore immune from dissolution. Beside sit has institutional equality with the Lower House. Despite this structural disadvantage of the political framework, party men thought that the constitution didn't specifically deny the establishment of party cabinet. The Breakout of the Second Movement for Constitutional Government in 1924 broke down the Kiyoura Cabinet, which was called "the House of Peer's Cabinet". The parties asked the reform of the House of Peers, and made their own ideas about that.

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The Saiwai-Club (which consisted mainly of bureaucrats) wielded power in the House of Peers through the Meiji era. The assimilation of the Kenkyukai party (which consisted mainly of peers) helped the process. However, the club's power leclined gradually from the Taisho political crisis to the establishment of the Hara Takashi Cabinet. Why? In this paper, I will discuss the movements of the Saiwai-Club and Kenkyukai party, paying close attention to the sinking fund problem of the early Taisho era. After the Taisho political crisis, the political world was split in two groups: supporters of the Second Okuma Cabinet and its opposition. During the Second Okuma Cabinet regime, leaders of the Saiwai-Club were also split in two biterly opposing groups. At the 37th session of the Diet, they vehemently opposed the government's policy concerning the sinking fund. Though the Second Okuma Cabinet lived on until a half year later, Genro Yamagata Aritomo Suggested its general resignation to mediate both groups and this helped their diminish the tension. Finally, the government and leaders of Saiwai-Club suggested a compromise, and most parties accepted it. However, it did not mean the dispute was solved completely. It often re-emerged in later sessions. In fact the Saiwai-Club declined due to dissent among their leaders. Baron-members in their party particularly tended keep their distance. Leaders of the Kenkyukai party also came to lose their trust, because they did nothing but following the Saiwai-Club party line. Many members (particularly the younger ones) wanted them to leave the Saiwai-Club, resulting in their fall from the leading position. Such a situation made them oppose government policy when the sinking fund problem occurred. They were urged by their leaders to accept compromise at last; but this did not mean that their feelings had changed. They continued to search for the chance to regain party leadership. As they had expected, they did become the new leaders a few years later. Their party came to grow as the Saiwai-Club decayed. As mentioned above, the ruling party changed from the Saiwai-Club to the Kenkyukai party during the Second Okuma Cabinet Period. This important trend laid the foundation for the structure of later governments and had much influence on the political history of the Taisho era itself.

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This paper is an attempt to supplement the present states of the insufficient studies in the power structure in the political history of modern Japan. That is, it is an attempt to elucidate the structure of the Yamagata clan's rule over the House of Peers, which was, beside the Army, one of the most important bases of the clan. Chapter I is to be a basis for the analysis of the structure of the House of Peers. In this chapter, the clarification of the structural characteristics of the parties will be made by analysing the decline of the Konwakai parties-both in regard to the titled members and to the imperial nominees in the House. Chapter II is an attempt to elucidate the last period of the Second Katsura Cabinet, in which the system of the Yamagata clan's rule over the House of Peers was reorganized. Part I of this chapter deals with the two parties of Saiwai-Club, which played the major role in the rule by the Yamagata clan. This part not only discusses the nature of "the executive system" (which played a leading part in controling the parties), but also indicates the fact that the Yamagata clan practically ruled and controled both the two parties of Saiwai-Club by organizing the chief members of the executives into an unofficial organization called Jukkin-Kai. This part, in addition, investigates the generational characteristics of the Yamagata clan as a union of officials. Part II of this chapter investigates, with special attention to the viscounts and barons, the development of the Yamagata clan's deal with the titled members. Thus investigating, this part elucidates the fact that the Yamagata clan succeeded both in ruling the viscounts by ensuring its initiative in the Kenkyu-Kai under Mishima's order, and in ruling the barons by absorbing them into the two parties of Saiwai-Club. Also, this part clarifies the main causes of the Yamagata clan's success in ensuring its initiative in the Kenkyu-Kai. Chapter III is an attempt to investigate the divisional nature of the whole structure of the Yamagata clan as well as to explain concretely its centripetal tendency by paying attention to the actual cases in the House of Peers. And lastly, the importance of the House of Peers for the whole of the Yamagata clan is examined by comparing the House and the Privy Council.

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