The present paper investigates two sutra copying offices in eighth century Japan, the Hosha Goshyukyo-jo 奉写御執経所 and the Hosha Issaikyo-shi, 奉写一切経司 in order to show the relationship between the administrative office known as "tokoro" 所, which was not organized according to the ritsuryo system's four-grade structure, and extra-ritsuryo offices, or "tsukasa" 司, with four-grade structures. To begin with, the author confirms that the sutra copying "tokoro" had only one officer and explains that this is What the word essentially means as a "place, or specific spatial area" where sutras were copied. On the other hand, the sutra copying "tsukasa" had a four-grade bureaucratic structure, making it an extra-ritsuryo office with a ritsuryo-style organization. Then he shows that the former was actually transformed into the latter, establishing one example of a "tokoro" becoming a "tsukasa". Moreover, in preparation for this transformation, the officers of the sutra copying "tokoro" were given the status of lower bureaucrats in the Bureau of Central Affairs (Shinbu-sho 信部省) and were then made into top-grade officers in the Office of Archives (Zusho-ryo 図書寮). Furthermore, the author offers an example of the reverse process in the eighth century, by which a "tsukasa" became a "tokoro" in the case of the extra-ritsuryo Bureau of Edicts (Chokushi-sho 勅旨省). However, in the ninth century the bureaucratic mechanism Changed, as exemplified by the Kurodo-dokoro 蔵人所, which played a very important role as the imperial secretariat without having to be upgraded to an extra-ritsuryo "tsukasa" with a full blown ritsuryo-style organization.

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This article attempts to clarify conditions surrounding largescale land holding in ancient Japan up through the early 8th century through an investigation of the origins and characteristic features of the land designation known as jiden 寺田 (lit., temple paddy field) using the case of Gufukuji 弘福寺 Temple in the province of Yamato. Gufukuji's land holdings during the early years of the 8th century comprised an organically integrated system of multi-functional land types, such as cultivated land (both paddy and dry fields), land left fallow, wilderness and building sites. "Jiden," which made up merely a portion of temple land holdings, did not define all the paddy cultivated within the temple's territory and also existed as a land designation beyond temple boundaries, meaning that jiden was a concept of cultivated land created by the Ritsuryo state. That is to say, the term jiden was reserved for cultivated paddy within the temple's territory that was defined as space in terms of the Ritsuryo system. Historically speaking, prior to the Taika Reforms, Gufukuji's holdings were limited to land attached to the manors of paramount chieftains (okimi 大王) and their families, which was most likely firmly established by the latter half of the 7th century. Therefore, the institution of jiden was a later development in the management of temple land holdings, dating back no earlier than the beginning of the 8th century. While temple land holdings took on the same managerial pattern as the holdings of local powerful clans, during the reign of Emperor Kotoku (645-654), temple land was surveyed as one fact of the state's regulation of religious institutions, resulting in registries listing holdings according to land type. During the reign of Emperor Tenmu (673-686), temple's were forbidden from owning wilderness, and the land holdings of those which had been recognized by the state were limited to "jiden." From the reign of Emperess Jito (690-697) on, jiden came to be understood within the context of the development of the public land allotment (handen 班田) system. It was in 709 that a land record, called denki 田記, was issued to make the final determination of the extent of jiden. From that time on, the territory of each temple was strictly regulated based on jiden holdings, through attempts to implement the determinations contained in denki; however, the previously diversified land holding portfolios of temples were not immediately eliminated as a result of such effort. It was in this way that temple proprietorship as a pre-Taika Reform managerial entity was incorporated into the Ritsuryo land system; however, the fact that established amounts of jiden did not comprise all the territory held by a temple remained an issue. The same problem no doubt existed in the case of secular powers with respect to land allotments based on rank (iden 位田) and office (shikiden 職田). In other words, through the 8th century, large-scale land holding demanded that the actual managerial entity that had actually taken shape be reconciled with or adjusted to contemporary land institutions.

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It is important to clarify the Tenno system in the ancient Japan. Under the system, not only Tenno but also Dajotenno could have the right of the the sovereign. In China, there were T'ai-shang-huang and T'ai-shang-huang-ti in the capacity of Dajotenno in Japan. But there was much difference between the system in Japan and the one in China. In China, under the principle that the nation should have the only one sovereign, it was natural that the abdicated emperor should be a subject of the new emperor. But in the case of the abdication in one dynasty, the abdicated emperor was not a subject of the new emperor. The abdicated emperor called himself "T'ai-shang-huang" when he handed over the sovereignty to the new emperor. And he called "T'ai-shang-huang-ti" when he did not. In Japan, the abdicated Tenno could be one of the two sovereigns by prescribing the Dajotenno system under the ritsuryo codes. As a result, the abdication under this system was to produce another sovereign. The reason why this system was established though it was in definite in some sense was that Japan had to overcome many difficulties in order to develop into the ritsuryo regime. In that time, Japan required the stability of the regime, for Japan must check some troubles concerning the succession to the throne which often occurred during the seventh century. The Dajotenno system was effective to check them. Under the ritsuryo regime, "Tenno" (as the sovereign) was to, having the original political power, deside both important national policies and miscellaneous everyday affairs. "Tenno" was requested to have the ability to dicide all of them. Dajotenno and Tenno reigned over the bureaucracy, and both attended some functions which both had better attend and either of them attended others which either might attend. This condition was suitable for Japan in that time. This Dajotenno system lost its substance when Japan had been perfectly under the ritsuryo regime and its indefinite rule caused some troubles concerning the sovereignty.

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The aim of the present paper is to analyze the process by which one family, the Sasaki-Nagatas, took control of transportation points on Lake Biwa during the Japan's late medieval period. The discussion proceeds in terms of the idea of "transportation patterns", a concept for clarifying the formation and substance of inter-regional exchange. Beginning in the sengoku era and continuing into the regime of Oda Nobunaga, the Nagata family was able to control through its extended family ties the major points of water transportation. on the shores of Lake Biwa, including Katsuno 勝野, Funaki 舟木, Sugaura 菅浦, Okushima 奥嶋, Okishima 沖島. There are five reasons why. First, the families main estate, Otowa-no-Sho 音羽荘 in Takashima-gun 高島郡, had functioned from ancient times as the major point of transportation on the Lake. Secondly, the family belonged to the TakaShima-Shichigashira 高島七頭, an alliance of local powerful proprietors (kokujin 国人) based on the Lake's western shore. Thirdly, the family maintained strong ties with the such elite powers of the period as the Muromachi Bakufu, the Rokkaku 六角 family, which was the Bakufu's appointed protector of Omi province, Enryakuji 延暦寺 temple, Oda Nobunaga himself, and Honganji 本願寺 temple. Next, the family aggressively built contacts with the major transporters in Omi Province. Finally, despite all of the above affiations with various influential powers, the family, both its main line and branches, maintained very close internal ties. One very important point is the fact that one branch of the Nagata family became vassals of the Rokkaku family, which enabled the Nagatas to advance to the east end of the Lake and eventually expand its proprietary holdings and base of operations.. Also important is the fact that the branch who became Rokkaku vassals maintained mutual ties with the west end Nagata main family line (who had pledged allegiance to the Bakufu) throughout the Sengoku era. It was this set of circumstances that formed the means by which. the Nagata extended family could control water tranportation points on both the east and west shores of the Lake and thus consolidate its power in the region. It was in this manner that the Nagata family formed a network linking its extended members and various influential groups by means of water transportation on Lake Biwa. As a result, no superior, despotic political power was able to establish a hold on sengoku era Omi Province. Rather, the province was ruled by locally-based holders of proprietary rights (zaichi-ryoshu 在地領主) who were equipped with the ability to negotiate with each other for the purpose of maintaining multi-directional relationships and holding their rivals in check. These characteristics also seem to be Common to such early medieval period zaichi-ryoshu of the Kinai area and western Japan as the Watanabe family of Settsu Province and the Yuasa family of Kii Province, and those who Controlled wider areas of distribution, like the Ship owner/merchant of Ise, Shima Domyo. Therefore, the Nagata family represents a specific type of late medieval jocally based proprietor that expanded its area of influence by aggressive1y exploiting opportunities related to water transportation.

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The author attempt to look at the way the Tenno dominated the people and society in ancient Japanese through a study of the Kuraryo (内蔵寮), the royal finance office, that existed before the ritsuryo (律令) regime was set up in Japan and was included in the ritsuryo bureaucracy. The allocating function of the Kuraryo had two characteristic features. The first is when the Tenno ordered the Okurasho (大蔵省) to allocate something, it was necessary to issue a document called Daijokanpu (太政官符). On the other hand, in the case of expenditures from the Kuraryo, the personal will of the Tenno was carried out directly under the provision of Ho-kuchoku-sakumotsu (奉口勅索物 : spoken orders of Tenno requiring some material or other) without passing through the Daijokan (太政官) or the Nakatsukasasho (中務省). The second has to do with items of expenditure. The Tenno bestowed government officials with gyofuku (御服) stored in the Kuraryo (clothing originally belonging to the Tenno) at sechie (節会: seasonal court banquets), or offers up mitekura (幣 : clothing for shrines) from the Kuraryo at shrine festivals, etc. These facts show that the Kuraryo contributed to uniting the governing classes through the giving of gyofuku, uniting the common people in shrine festivals, through the medium of the personality of Tenno. This is in marked contrast to the Okurasho, which unified the state financially through the medium of abstract and bureaucratic organs. Generally, state unity in ancient Japan is maintained by both bureaucratic organs and the personality of Tenno. Not only Kuraryo but also other domestic offices of the Tenno belonging to the Nakatsukasasho (中務省) and Kunaisho (宮内省) played important roles in the Tenno's personal role. In the Nara period, such functions of personal unification covered a wide range of state authority in spite of its diffuse and temporary nature. But in the early Heian period, especially the Konin era, it came to the surface in the state systems under a changed form. For example, from that times, gifts to government officials at sechie gatherings changed from gyofuku in the Kuraryo to clothing in the Okurasho in the form of allowances. On the other hand, gyofuku in the Kuraryo was given symbolically to officials only a sechie held on New Years Day, or was limited to upper-class aristocrats closely related to the Tenno at naien (内宴 : January inner court banquet) and rinji-en (臨時宴 : temporary banquets). These facts show that the whole bureaucracy as a governing classes was reorganized through the medium of abstract laws and institutions, and only upperclass aristocrats were united through the personality of the Tenno. The same phenomena are observed in hobei (offering of clothes) from the Kuraryo to shrines of clans related to Tenno by blood and to tombs of former Tennos. Nevertheless, considering hobei from Kuraryo for shrine festivals like the Kamo-no-matsuri (賀茂祭) established in the early Heian period, it was still necessary to create fields in which the personality of the Tenno was dominant in order to make the people recognize the legitimacy that the Tenno is authority, though rule impersonal bureaucratic domination was becoming more and more dominant during that time.

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