本論文では理論心理学の視点から第28回国際心理学会議の研究動向を検討する。第28回国際心理学会議において発表された論文はトピックスによって25のカテゴリーに分類されていたが、'歴史・理論・ディシプリンとしての心理学'のカテゴリーは、心理学のメタサイエンスに関する諸研究を包む。また'社会問題'や'文化心理学'のカテゴリーも自己反省的な批判的視座を含み、理論心理学的研究に分類される。国際心理学会議は北米の主流心理学だけでなく、世界各国における心理学の現状を知るための格好のフォーラムである。

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Twenty years have passed since the perestroika in Russia and Eastern Europe, and all the transition economies have experienced the new dimension of the market transition. The EU enlargement may be regarded as the most crucial phenomenon in explaining the evolution of the patterns and degree of transition. Particularly, Europeanisation (European conditionality) has become an anchor for the East European countries' markets. At the same time, the overall transition economies have sustained the positive economic growth after the financial crisis, and almost have aimed the following measures: building the market institutions and their enforcement, the political democratization, and creating the cohesive civil society. Some measures are common to those in the developed capitalist countries. Concerning the theoretical aspect of transition, in spite of the radical liberalization and privatisation, the market institutions cannot begin to work spontaneously and immediately as the reformers imagine at the beginning of the transition. The ownership changes are deeply influenced by the political process and the economic actors have responded to the new circumstance by themselves. In addition, some of the new owners are related to the former elites and their personal networks have resulted in their financial success. While the economic actors have sought the rent by the state capture, the government has also kept its influence over the economy. In this sense, we can observe the soft budget constraint syndrome in transition economies. Consequently, the political economic approach to the market transition has changed its target from the property right to its enforcement, corporate governance, and the economic actors' behavior. The informal institutions and the social capital are considered as the important factors for trust building. Ideology also plays a decisive role in legitimating rules. Beyond transition, it seems that the economic theory has set a micro economic problem whether the economic actors behave rationally.

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One of the pathologies of modern democracy is the crisis of representation (parliamentarism).

As a countermeasure against the dysfunction of representative democracy, ways to improve it have been argued in each country.

One of them is the vocational representation system.

This is a way to have the economic and social interests of a complex and diverse society represented in politics, and the idea is to form a representative system from vocational organizations rather than from region or interest.

Although this vocational representation system has diminished its influence in terms of its effectiveness after the war, it has not lost its meaning as an institutional theory.

The “Civic Chamber” of the Russian Federation discussed in this paper, which started its activities in 2006, was created to deal with the dysfunction of the parliament, and the way it was structured is reminiscent of the vocational representation system, but is it similar to the vocational representation system?

This paper aims to gain a perspective for evaluating this Civic Chamber of Russia by looking at the characteristics of its representative system, after tracing the amendments made to the law regulating this institution after its enactment.

As a premise for it, the author examined the process leading up to the establishment of the Civic Chamber, and then introduced the process of enacting the law that regulated this institution.

Then, based on the enacted law, the outline of the Civic Chamber was examined for its purpose, authority, composition and organization method, and commentators’ evaluation of this law was introduced.

The law governing the Civic Chamber enacted in 2005 has been revised many times since then, and this paper considered the revisions that have brought about major changes.

The following points were examined in order to gain a perspective to evaluate the Civic Chamber.

a. Is the Civic Chamber based on a representation system from social organizations?

b. Is it dependent on organizations?

c. Is it an advisory body?

d. Is it a democratic system?

e. Why are its components from organizations limited to social organizations and non-profit organizations?

From these points of view, it is necessary to pay attention to the trends of the Civic Chamber, including the verification of the effectiveness of the examination of legislative bills, etc. and the status of activities, and the following can be pointed out as the characteristics of this new institution.

The Civic Chamber in Russia was institutionalized by the Putin administration in response to the need for a system that complements political representation by incorporating social elements with the aim of restoring confidence in politics and social integration. In addition, it can be regarded as an attempt to create a representative of society that is neither a vocational representative having the aspect of representating interests nor a group representative as seen in the early Soviet elections, and in terms of making a system that relies on diverse organizations, it can be seen as a form of “associative democracy” as advocated by Paul Hirst. However, if it is likened to P. Hirst’s claim, it is “associative democracy from above”.

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本稿の目的は，1995～2007年におけるロシアの地域発展への外国直接投資（FDI）の経済効果をサハリン州の事例に即して定量的に評価することである．同州は初期条件がほぼ等しい他地域と比較して相対的に巨額の FDI を享受している．分析の結果，サハリン州は，賃金水準（名目），国内投資，貿易活動，経済成長及び社会資本の面で同州向け FDI から肯定的な経済効果を得たことが確認された．一方，雇用水準，賃金水準（実質），技術水準及び政府財政の面では統計的に有意な効果は検出されなかった．

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