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  • 二村 文人
    日本文学
    2012年 61 巻 3 号 86-87
    発行日: 2012/03/10
    公開日: 2017/09/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山形 万里子
    社会経済史学
    2003年 69 巻 3 号 297-321
    発行日: 2003/09/25
    公開日: 2017/06/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    It has been assumed that the military buildup of Saga domain was made possible by income from foreign trade at Nagasaki. However, details of the huge payments for warships show that the main source came from the feudal lord's kakesuzurikata (special account) at Kamigata (Osaka) market. After the Tempo Reform of the 1830s, Saga reduced its vast debt to ryogae-sho (moneylenders) in Osaka that had been accumulating since the previous century through annual installments over many years and through debt repudiation. In 1856 the domain issued hansatsu (its own notes) based on Saga assets and funds raised from rich merchants within the domain, in other words, without depending on Osaka moneylenders. In a sense it had achieved economic autonomy from Osaka and Hyogo moneylenders. After 1849, Saga worked for the reconstruction of its finances through strengthening the kakesuzurikata and encouraging domain production through the establishment of monopolies in porcelain and wax. From 1859, the domain involved Osaka and Hyogo moneylenders in the sale of monopoly products and the management of the proceeds. This enabled Saga to reinforce its relationship with the moneylenders so that it could raise vast funds on the Kamigata market. These were the funds which they used in the modernization of their armaments.
  • 麻島 昭一
    社会経済史学
    1989年 55 巻 4 号 505-508
    発行日: 1989/10/30
    公開日: 2017/07/08
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 津川 康雄
    関東都市学会年報
    2005年 7 巻 59-68
    発行日: 2005/03/31
    公開日: 2022/05/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――手形取引の発展
    石井 寛治
    日本學士院紀要
    2019年 74 巻 2 号 65-
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2020/01/16
    ジャーナル フリー
     The industrial revolution in Japan in the latter half of the 19th century, the first industrial revolution in Asia, did not depend on foreign capital until 1899, when the Japanese government called off the prohibition on foreign capital investment. This change was a result of Japanese law courts beginning to consider the crimes of foreigners in Japan.
     Even after 1899, the amount of foreign capital used in private enterprises within Japan was unexpectedly small. In 1914, only 7% of all stocks and debentures of private enterprises were foreign-owned. How did Japanese entrepreneurs then raise money for industrialization?
     Big enterprises raised money domestically through joint-stock companies. The stockholders invested not only their own money but also money borrowed from banks using their stocks as security. Most stockholders were merchants and financiers, including those who started their businesses in the Edo era. Although the loan business with the merchants set up by the biggest moneychangers, such as Mitsui and Kounoike, was said to be declining toward the end of the Edo era, it is notable that the draft business, which promoted modernization of the economy, was growing.
     In Japan, payment to distant clients by bills of exchange began in the 13th century, and payment to nearby clients by such bills began in the 17th century. However, Japanese moneychangers did not develop a business around discounting bills because Japanese merchants did not use terminable promissory notes.
     In this paper, I first discuss cases of settlement of transactions involving cotton goods and fertilizers between Owari (present-day western Aichi Prefecture) and Edo (present-day Tokyo) by bills of exchange. I also discuss cases of settlement for trade of cotton goods and tea between Yokohama and Kamigata (present-day Osaka and Kyoto) by bills of exchange. The latter cases were important in keeping foreign merchants from making inroads into Japan’s market. It also led to Japanese merchants accumulating capital via cash payments with foreign merchants in Yokohama.
     I then discuss cases of settlement among merchants by bills of exchange in Kamigata in the late Edo era. Such settlements became common in Osaka as well as its suburbs, thereby reducing the loan interest rate to approximately 6%, which was almost half of that in Edo.
     In Osaka, bills of exchange could be settled by many moneychangers who were further controlled by the biggest moneychangers, particularly Kounoike, Mitsui, and Kajimaya. Contrary to popular belief that Mitsui was in financial straits by the end of the Edo era, the real situation of Mitsui was promising when the draft business was taken into account.
     Although many moneychangers went bankrupt during the Meiji Reform, a considerable number of them survived the phase. Additionally, many powerful newcomers such as Chojiya, Nunoya, and Yasuda began operating during this period. Some of these moneychangers even established modern banks. The most important suppliers of capital for the industrialization in Japan were the merchants, both old and new, headed by moneychangers.
  • ―新川運河周辺における地籍図・旧土地台帳を中心とした分析を通じて―
    陳 鋮, 山口 秀文
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2024年 89 巻 821 号 1275-1282
    発行日: 2024/07/01
    公開日: 2024/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper is a study of the new lands-Shinkawa canal and reclaimed land, which created after 1875 in the Hyogo-no-tsu. This study conducts a quantitative analysis to elucidate the actual state of land ownership. This study categorizes various landowners and reveals that: 1) Absentee landowners are presumed to be owners which have been active in the use of the new lands. 2) Local commercial entities had a significant stake in land ownership. 3) The pattern of land ownership in new lands in the Meiji period was in a transitional stage.

  • 石井 寛治
    社会経済史学
    2004年 70 巻 4 号 399-416
    発行日: 2004/11/25
    公開日: 2017/08/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    After discussing the importance of investment by merchants during the industrialization of Japan, this article analyzes historical materials relating to the firms of Banjin (Kyoto), Mitsui (Osaka, Yedo), Chogin (Kyoto, Yedo), and Hiromi (Kaizuka). It proves that the activities of moneychangers in Kyoto, Osaka, and Yedo continued in spite of the economic disorders of the early Meiji period. In Osaka, bills issued by merchants on moneychangers stopped circulating after the regime change of 1868. This was because plundering by the victorious armies of the domains of Satsuma and Choshu caused the bankruptcy of the many moneychangers who had been closely linked with the Tokugawa Bakufu or Aizu domain. In Kyoto, the circulation of bills stopped from 1873 owing to the introduction of stamp duties. Moneychangers who survived such disorders in the money market began to finance the new merchants who invested their accumulated resources in modern industries. After the 1870s, modern banks were established by big moneychangers. These included Konoike, Sumitomo, Hirase, Yamaguchi, and Hirooka in Osaka, and Mitsui, Nakai, Yasuda, and Kawasaki in Tokyo.
  • 北前船から市街造成・鉱山開発まで
    松田 裕之
    福井県文書館研究紀要
    2024年 21 巻 1-24
    発行日: 2024/03/29
    公開日: 2024/04/19
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 二谷 智子
    社会経済史学
    2009年 75 巻 3 号 313-336
    発行日: 2009/09/25
    公開日: 2017/05/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    近代史では,国民国家論の立場から幕末・明治期コレラ流行時の衛生が検討され,伝染病流行に直面した人々の生活の近代化過程が,民俗・心性・予防言説に焦点を絞って検討されてきたが,他方で,近世医療史の研究が進み,その歴史像に批判も出されている。本稿は,石川県(現富山県)の地域有力者であった宮林彦九郎家が,1879年コレラ流行時に交わした書簡を分析し,流行下でコレラに対応した人々の具体的な様相と,船主が実践した防疫の有り様を検討して,上述の争点に実証的な裏付けを提供する。船主兼地主の宮林家は,情報ルートを複数持ち,入手した情報を照らし合わせ,冷静かつ客観的に判断して,自己所有船と家族の防疫をした。地域では,地方行政官の意向も入れて地元の防疫活動を自発的に行った。この点には,近世以来の地域有力者による施療との同質性があり,地方行政官もそれを織り込んで,防疫活動を展開した。1879年コレラ流行を経験した宮林家は,地域住民の「智力ノ培養」が今後の重要課題となることを認識し,石川県地方衛生会の設置(1880年7月)より早い,80年1月に自費で新聞縦覧所を開設した。
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