Shen-tsung, the 6th Emperor of Sung dynasty, received two ambassadors successively from so-called the Western Regions, one sent by the Sultanate of Seljukides, and the other by the East Roman Empire. These two countries confronted keenly each other and the antagonism was the cause of Crusade. The war devastated the Middle East, resulting in a great loss of population. The Seljukides had to recruit Turkish soldiers from Central Asia to reinforce the army. Thus the pressure of Turkish people toward the east became weaken and gave a chance to the neighbour tribes of Mongolia to rise to a new power. Moreover, the Mongol could arm themselves with abundant iron weapons learning the fabricating technique of the Chinese. Taking advantage of the exhaustion of the Turkish people, the Mongol conquered at last the whole Western Regions.

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Die Reihenfolge der Werke Hartmanns von (nach F. Beyerle) Reichenau, nämlich 1. Büchlein-Erec-Gregorius-Der arme Heinrich-Iwein ist nach C. v. Krausens und K. Zwirzinas Untersuchungen des Reimgebrauchs beinahe kanonisch geworden. Die Frage nach der Schaffenszeit hat sich auf die Frage zugespitzt, an welchem Kreuzzug Hartmann teilgenommen hat. Wer MF 218, 19 _"und lebte mîn her Salatîn und al sîn her“ liest, läßt Hartmann in den Kreuzzug 1197/98 ziehen, dagegen ist der Zug denjenigen, die den Vers, und lebt mîn herre, Salatîn, und……‘ lesen, 1189/90. Die Datierung des Erecs findet den Halt an die Erwähnung des Connelants (v. 2000-2011); er wurde nach Sparnaay 1190-1192, nach F. Neumann spätestens um 1185-spätestens um 1188 gedichtet. Die religiöse Erzählung Gregorius setzen Sparnaay 1195-1196, de Boor 1187-1189, beide vor der Kreuznahme an, Neumann aber, zwischen der Rückkehr vom Kreuzzug und AH, 1192-1195. Einige glauben aus dem uns erhaltenen Greg. die Urfassung erschließen zu können (E. Sievers, v. Kraus, u. a.). Nach allgemeiner Annahme stellt sich AH nach dem Kreuzzug; 1199 Sparnaay), 1195 (de Boor), 1194-1198 (Neumann). Es ist nach Wolframs Zeugnis im Parzival V. u. VII. wahrscheinlich, daß Hartmanns Iwein, die letzte Großerzählung, um die Jahrhundertwende oder noch einige Jahre später vorgelegen hat. Zwirzina hat schon auf die Rückfälle des Reimgebrauchs in den ersten 1000 Versen des Iweins hingewiesen; A. Schirokauer vermutet daraufhin und auch noch in Betracht des wiederholten Selbstzitats im AH v. 1 u. Iw. v. 21 die Folge der Werke: Erec-Greg.-Iw. I (ca. 1000 Verse)-AH-Iw. II. Werner Schröder, der Iw. I sprachlich noch auf der Stufe vor Greg. konstatiert, nimmt eine andere an: Erec Iw. I-Greg.-AH-Iw. II.

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The conflict between the Byzantine Empire and the West in the twelfth century has been one of the most important themes in Byzantine history. Some papers have even hinted that the Byzantines, including the Byzantine historian Nicetas Choniates, preferred the Muslims as neighbors to the Cathoric Westerners. Previous papers have generally argued that Choniates, who wrote his History from 1185 to 1207, testified to this conflict when he criticizes the Westerners who conquered Constantinople in 1204.
A survey of his use of expressions with γενος, εθνος and βαρβαρος, however, shows that he valued the Westerners most highly among the various peoples around the Empire. While the Byzantines are always referred to as γενος (=people), the Turks as the Muslims most known to the Byzantines at that time are always referred to as βαρβαρος (=barbarian). The peoples in the Balkan Peninsula play only relatively negligible roles in his book. The Westerners are sometimes referred to as γενος who had friendly relationships (=øιλος, øιλιος and øιλια) with the Byzantines, although they are also sometimes referred to as βαρβαρος when they used crude violence to-wards the Byzantines. These facts indicate that Choniates distinguished between the Westerners and the other peoples around the Empire and that he had a prejudice against the Turks.
In short, the History should not be interpreted in light of the conflict between the West and the Byzantine Empire. It is true that Choniates blamed the Westerners for their cruel conquest, but in comparison with his view of the Turks, it can still be argued that he speaks for the pro-Western Byzantines who regarded the friendships with the Western countries as the vital means of saving their Empire.

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Some Coastal towns of Syria during the 11th-12th centuries were headed by local qadis (judges) who had acquired independence from either Fatimid, Seljuqid, or Byzantine rule. These urban states have been the objects of serious research by such scholars as Cl. Cahen, E. Ashtor, A. Havemann and U. A. Tadmuri. But as for the period when qadis lost their independence, few references are made to their role in Muslim urban life. The cases of Tripoli and Jabala, because of ample information, may provide us with a means to better our understanding of local qadis in medieval Islamic societies.
During the years 1066-1070 the qadi office of Tripoli was established by Amin al-Dawla, a Shi'ite jurist of great reputation, from the 'Ammar family. Jabala also had a wise qadi named Mansur, who managed the judicial affairs among Muslims under Byzantine rule. His status (Ra'is Jabala) was inherited by his son, Ibn Sulayha, who maintained independence against the pressure of the Seljuqids until the arrival of the Crusaders. Ibn Sulayha, faced with a strong siege by the Crusaders, was forced to transfer sovereignty to Tripoli; but another qadi, Ibn al-Naqqar, then continued to manage judicial affairs in Jabala. Even under the Crusader rule from July 1109, Jabala was administered by an influential qadi named Mansur b. Nabil, who succeeded afterwards in delivering the town to Saladin.
These instances reveal that the qadis of Tripoli and Jabala managed these municipalities even during the periods when towns lost their independence. We may therefore evaluate positively the role of local qadis before the Ottoman period, a time when they came to be organized more systematically into that empire's provincial administration.

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L'histoire de la litterature francaise considere le plus souvent Marcel Schwob (1867-1905), ecrivain d'une grande puissance d'imagination, comme l'un des conteurs de grand talent de la fin du XIX^e siecle. La plupart des etudes consacrees a cet ecrivain ne traitent en effet que de ses contes. Il y a tres peu d'6tudes consacrees a une particularite pourtant interessante de Schwob : la double appartenance de Schwob, juive et francaise. Certes, on chercherait en vain le mot ≪juif≫ dans les textes d'un auteur par ailleurs tres discret sur sa judeite. Mais il ne nous semble pas que l'on puisse dire qu'il n'y a pas de rapport entre les motifs de l'ecriture schwobienne et la double identite de l'auteur lui-meme. L'epoque dans laquelle it vit est en effet difficile pour les juifs. Et surtout, on ne peut negliger le mouvement d'antisemitisme de la fin du XIX^e siecle. Durant les annees qui precedent l'affaire Dreyfus, nombre d'elements se conjuguent, qui suscitent une violente poussee d'antisemitisme. Que signifie pour Schwob, et son ecriture, le fait d'etre juif ? Nous nous proposons, dans le present article, de mettre en lumiere, a la lecture de La Croisade des enfants (1896), une dimension cachee de Schwob, ecrivain juif. Pour decrire un evenement qui a profondement marque l'histoire du Moyen Age, le conteur a choisi de soumettre au lecteur, juxtaposes, les recits de huit personnes. Bien qu'elle puisse etre consideree, par son theme meme, comme ≪tres chretienne≫, l'oeuvre contient de nombreux elements heterodoxes ou meme juifs, et remet en question, insidieusement, le bien-fond6 de l'obeissance absolue a la hisrarchie ecclesiastique. C'est en fait un texte qui, tout en traitant le theme chretien de la Croisade, prend ses distances, sur le fond, avec l'historiographie chretienne. Ce que tous les recits mettent en relief, c'est d'abord et avant tout, l'innocence des enfants, victimes d'un enthousiasme religieux devoye. Confronts a l'antisemitisme de son siecle, Schwob ne prend pas le parti de decrire le vecu des juifs ou de proclamer sa judeite. Mais sa discretion nest pas le resultat d'une acceptation passive de ce qui est. Elle est le produit d'une strategie qui vise, indirectement, a susciter le doute et la msfiance a l'egard de l'enthousiasme de la fin de siecle.

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In the first half of the 12th century, Syrian cities entered into various kinds of agreements with the Crusaders who had secured their settlements in Syria, thus regarding these westerners as one of the local powers. Many economic agreements were concluded in the from of the appendix to a truce and were mainly in terms of an offer of money and horses, tribute, division of produce and public security on the main roads. Both the Syrian cities and the Crusaders considered these agreements as a economic policy in order to secure the produce from limited farm land and obtain commercial rights. Most of the agreemetns were renewed by occasional negotiation and bargaining, though we find abrogations and changes in conditions reflecting the balance of power. Military alliances were sometimes formed during the jihads, which were fundamentally the opposite of military alliances. Syrian cities merely used the jihad as a poicy to protect their own territory and even to weaken an opposing city. It was the same with the Saljuqid Sultan. They used military alliances and the jihads to ensure their own political stability and keep other powers from expanding. Syria was politically fragmented and had no dominant power. All the Syrian cities, including the Crusader States, maintained power by the economic agreements and conserved the balance of power through military alliances and the jihads. However, Aleppo in Northern Syria had been in a state of war for a long time, and its arable land had been reduced. Moreover, its balance of power policy, mostly agreements on division of produce, led to the financial crisis in Aleppo. To overcome these difficulties, the citizens of Aleppo tried to introduce a strong power from al-Jazira, but two of the three new al-Jazira rulers employed the same balance of power policy using both agreements and jihads, which caused distress in Aleppo to continue. It was the third ruler, Zangi, who began to break this balance of co-existence and confrontation. He aimed at the farm land of Southern Syria asa source of compensating the increase in war expenditure caused by his refusal to maintain the balance of power policy. He was a common enemy to both Damascus and the Crusaders, who had coexisted based on the agreements on division of produce from the farm land lying between them. They formed the military alliances to oppose Zangi.

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