1．問題の所在 　

　日本は第二次大戦の敗戦により小笠原諸島の施政権を喪失した．米国施政権下（1945-1968）の小笠原諸島では先住者である欧米系・太平洋系世帯のみが居住を認められ，日系島民は施政権返還まで居住が許されなかった．施政権返還後の小笠原村民は，住民行政上「在来島民」「旧島民」「新島民」の3者に区分されるが，「在来島民」は米国施政権下の父島に居住していた人々を，「旧島民」は戦前に小笠原諸島に居住していた日系世帯を指す．「新島民」は返還以降に父島・母島に移住した人々である． 「在来島民」の歴史経験や「新島民」の移住に関する研究には一定の蓄積がみられ，戦後に難民化した「旧島民」の生活や帰島・補償運動については石原（2013; 2019）に詳しい．しかし「旧島民」の返還前後の活動や帰島後の生活については詳らかになっていない．そこで，本研究は故郷喪失を経て帰島し，島内に定住した「旧島民」の経験を明らかにすることを目的とする．手法としては，

の刊行物等の分析と，聞き取り調査を用いた．

2．返還以前の「旧島民」の動向

　強制全島疎開以降，難民化した「旧島民」は，東京都（島嶼部を含む），神奈川県，静岡県を中心に全国43都道府県および沖縄（大東諸島）に離散した（

編 1966）．帰島を待つなかで「旧島民」は経済的に困窮し，1953年の東京都による「小笠原島引揚民の生活状況調査」では全体の85％が困窮者とされている．いつ帰島が許可されるか見通しが立たない状況のため，現住地への資本の投下が困難であったことも困窮の要因となった（犬飼・橋本 1969）．総理府が返還直前に全国の「旧島民」を対象に実施した悉皆調査では，帰島希望者は回答者全体の68％にのぼり，島別の内訳は父島2,276名，母島1,424名，硫黄島395名であった．

3．返還時の諸島内の状況と課題

　戦前の小笠原諸島には， 5つの行政村（父島: 大村・扇村袋沢村，母島: 沖村・北村，硫黄島: 硫黄島村）が設置されていたが，米国施政権下では父島大村のみが居住地として利用され，その他の集落は放棄されていた．「旧島民」の帰島に際しては，住宅や上下水道，電気等のインフラ整備が喫緊の課題であった．そのため，小笠原返還をもって「旧島民」の帰島が実現したわけではなかった．特に米軍が駐留しなかった母島は，全島が亜熱帯の植物に覆われたため再開拓が求められ，定住には返還から5年の歳月を要した．

４．「旧島民」の帰島・定住の過程

　返還後に帰島を果たした「旧島民」は，主に戦前の生活の記憶を持つ40代以上であり，少数の若者は親の意志に応えて随伴した島外育ちの戦後世代であった．帰島時期に着目すれば，同じ「旧島民」にも従事する職種により差異がみられた．例えば，漁業者は農業者よりも帰島・定住が早く，その要因としては以下の3点が指摘できる．第1に，米国施政権下の父島では，「在来島民」がグアムに冷凍魚を輸出していたため，最低限の港湾設備が整っていたこと．第2に，漁業者は，返還以前から返還後の漁協設立に向けて「在来島民」の漁業者と接触していたこと．第3に，戦前の農地が密林に戻っていたため，農業者としての定住を希望した人々は生業基盤の整備に時間が掛かったことである． これに対し，帰島が果たされなかった「旧島民」も存在する．一部の硫黄島出身者は父島・母島に移住し帰島を待ったが，現在まで帰島は実現していない．また，小笠原復興計画では，インフラ集約を目的として「一島一集落」が基本方針とされ，父島大村地区と母島沖村地区の優先整備が行われた．そのため，他集落出身者は帰島できても帰郷できない状況が続いた．本発表では，以上のような文書資料から得られた「旧島民」の帰島・定住の過程を，聞き取り調査の結果と照らし合わせることで，生きられた経験として論じる．

文献

石原　俊 2013．『〈群島〉の歴史社会学――小笠原諸島・硫黄島，日本・アメリカ，そして太平洋世界』弘文堂．

石原　俊 2019．『硫黄島』中央公論新社．

犬飼基義・橋本　健 1969．『小笠原――南海の孤島に生きる』日本放送出版協会．

編 1966．『小笠原関係実態調査書元居住者名簿編』．

[付記] 本研究は「阿部英雄史学地理学科研究奨励金」および 「明治大学大学院生研究調査プログラム」の補助金を使用した．

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Previous studies of development policy for Okinawa under the U.S. Occupation have focused more on central Okinawa and less on peripheral areas. This paper presents details from a project called the “Iriomote Overall Development Project,” which was undertaken as a joint U.S.-Japan policy, but afterward was derailed in early 1960s. Through an analysis of historical sources, this paper reveals the prehistory and the grounds for the abortion of the project, which is largely unknown publically. Resettlement programs administrated by USCAR (United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands) and the GRI (Government of the Ryukyu Islands) are a main issue in the reviews of the history of Yaeyama district, where Iriomote island is located, under the Occupation. It is generally believed that the programs were executed as compensation for condemning of the military land on Okinawa’s main island, which triggered a resident-led struggle against the condemnation, and were finished when the struggle neared an end. A different story emerges in this paper, as the continuity between the programs and the overall development project is better substantiated. The project was much-ballyhooed when it first began, situated as a symbol of budding U.S.-Japan cooperation for Okinawa development. This has been well established among researchers on Okinawa, but the grounds of its collapse have never been deeply considered. The commonly-held reason of the project’s discontinuation was U.S. military’ fiscal difficulty, which, while true, is just circumstantial evidence. Using USCAR’s internal documents, a more detailed account of the situation is presented in this paper. Initially, after U.S.­Japan joint research on the island, there was a discrepancy of opinions between the two governments concerning harbor construction, which ended with the Japanese government’s suspension of funding in fiscal year 1962. The source of the discrepancy was general miscommunication and mistrust between the parties. Meanwhile, the High Commissioner of USCAR suspended some new resettlement programs for Iriomote island, budgeted at about a million dollars by the U.S. Department of the Army. Internal documents show that it was finally decided to return the entirety of the money in March of 1963, which must have been crucial to the implementation of the whole project. Beyond detailing the circumstances surrounding the virtual abortion of the development project, this paper also reveals adverse effects on regional agricultural policy resultant from the fact that USCAR had never formally declared the abortion. In particular, planned sites for the project remained after the project’s discontinuance, causing difficult land-use adjustments for local farmers. This paper adds to historical study on Yaeyama development policy, uncovers new ground on the insufficient development policies for settlers, and highlights the relationship between the governments during U.S. Occupation on Okinawa from the viewpoint of Okinawa’s periphery.

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景観に刻まれた過去の記憶をめぐる問題は，歴史と地理の２つの視点を必要とする論点であり，沖縄戦の舞台となった沖縄は，そうした議論の事例地の１つとして相応しいものである。ただし，これまでの研究のほとんどが激戦地のなかでも糸満市域を事例としたものであった。本稿はこうした状況をふまえ，糸満市と同じく激戦地として知られる八重瀬町を事例として選択し，1972年以前に建立された沖縄戦戦没者慰霊碑の建立経緯や変化をたどり，慰霊空間の形成された過程を論じることで，沖縄戦の死と追悼の景観のより多様な状況を提示することを目的とする。八重瀬町域には富盛地区と具志頭地区に慰霊空間が形成されているが，そうした慰霊空間の地理的偏差の生じた背景には，慰霊碑の建立や慰霊空間の整備に関わった地区住民，琉球政府や沖縄遺族連合会，また県外の遺族といった多様な主体の動きが重要であったことを明らかにした。また慰霊空間として明確に選択される場所には歴史的・地理的な要因があったことを指摘した。

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This paper examined the original text of the Smith-Mundt Act of 1948 to determine principles for United States public diplomacy and explored how the Smith-Mundt programs affected freedom of speech in Okinawa in the 1948-1952 period, critical decision years for the separation of Okinawa from mainland Japan. The Act authorized the Secretary of State, responsible for foreign information programs, and enabled the Secretary to use the national budget flexibly overseas, allowing the transfer of executive roles for international public relations to other federal agencies. Therefore, the Department of Army in charge of postwar Japan at the time was assigned as the executive agency of the Smith-Mundt programs for the Japanese. In Okinawa, the Civil Information and Education Department (CIE), under the Army administration established in 1948, launched information and education programs for the Okinawan people. The components of the CIE programs comprised "ECA information programs" financed by the Foreign Aid Appropriation Acts and coordinated by the Psychological Strategy Board of the Executive Branch. CIE conducted political campaigns for the 1950 Okinawa Gunto Governor election, attempting to acquire the people's support for the U.S. administration of Okinawa. CIE introduced American movies with Japanese subtitles, built five U.S. Information Centers, disseminated press releases, controlled incoming and outgoing news to the Okinawan media, and censored anti-American speech. As a result, the CIE campaigns temporally suppressed "Japanese reversion" speeches but social movements toward the reversion emerged as reactions to the CIE speech control. The Smith-Mundt Acts originally aimed to promote a better understanding of the United States on an international stage at the United Nations, and granted authorization to the Secretary of State responsible for the programs. However, the U.N.-centered ideal gradually changed during the latter half of the Truman administration as the Cold War began. This paper aims to clarify the process based on archival research.

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The purpose of this study is to re-evaluate regional plans in Okinawa designed by Atelier Zo. By analyzing how the distinctive concepts and methods of a series of regional plans were expressed in the design works of Atelier Zo, we re-evaluate a series of regional plans these works as having produced these outcomes, as well as the value of the design works of Atelier Zo as planning heritages of regional plans, thereby contributing to their preservation and utilization.

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The main purpose of this paper is to clarify the process of how the Fundamental Law of Education was introduced to Postwar Okinawa, and how it took root there at a time when Okinawa was politically separated from Japan and was under the American occupation(1945-1972). Under the strict restrictions of the Occupational policies that had as their background American Far Eastern strategy, the Fundamental Law of Education and other educational laws were not realized in content as they really were intended in Japan proper, but rather were modified and changed within the framework established by the United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands. Furthermore, the Code of Education for the Ryukyus, 1952, was administered by the Americans similar to other legal ordinances, namely as a colonial law. Inspired resistance by people of Okinawa, a democratic movement led by the teachers association in Okinawa and represented by Choubyou Yara, tried to deal legally with the four educational laws(the Fundamental Law of Education, the School Education Law, the Board of Education Law, and the Social Education Law). Boldly opposing the Americans this protest movement succeeded in achieving the implementation of the enactment of the Four Educational Laws based on the principle of Japan's educational legal system, 1958. The educational legal system and administration of Okinawa under the American Occupation was characterized by adversarial relationship based on the two different system of occupational Force's Government and the Okinawa Government. Unlike the other area of Japan proper, the Okinawa's Fundamental Law of education was developed under such characteristics as the following:1)the stabilization process under the American Occupation;2)civilian movement for legislation against the Occupation's administration;3)the local history that was handed down and spread to each island of Okinawa;and 4)a gap between the principle of the Fundamental Law of Education and reality.

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　This paper aims to consider the role of local journalism from the positionality

of Okinawan newspapers concerning what is called “Okinawa Problem”

（Okinawa-mondai,）, especially problems related to the U.S. military base in

Okinawa.

　　When a U.S. military helicopter crashed over Okinawa International University

in the summer of 2004, the accident was reported as a news event with

important and contrasting differences between the articles of mainland media

and Okinawan media. It can be considered that these differences were generated

by their different standards of news values and the differences in the positionality

of the event as news media.

　In this paper, I try to explain the positionality and the role of Okinawan

local newspapers, namely Ryukyu Simpo and Okinawa Times, in taking up the

news event of the rape and murder of a woman by a U.S. military contractor

that occurred in the spring of 2016, and by analyzing the news reports, special

features, and editorials relating to the Okinawa mass protest rallies on June 19

against the vicious crime.

　　Results of my research show that both newspapers are positioned not only

as “agents” embodying and reflecting “the will of the people,” the sentiments

and thoughts of Okinawan people who have been forced to bear the heavy burden

of U.S. military bases, but also as “parties involved” standing on the same

side as the Okinawan people or sitting close together, by always reporting baserelated

problems like accidents, crimes, noise pollution, and environmental

destruction that affect their living space.

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本研究では，西表島の南西15 kmに位置するオオミズナギドリCalonectris leucomelasの繁殖地である仲ノ神島において，本種の繁殖個体数の推定，および巣穴構造の調査をおこなった。オオミズナギドリの巣穴は調査域全域にみられたが，平地や緩斜面では高密度であった。巣穴密度は，高密度区で0.64±0.22巣/m²，ガジュマル区で0.19±0.15巣/m²，低密度区で0.10±0.10巣/m²であった。また，繁殖巣穴密度は，高密度区で0.13±0.10巣/m²，ガジュマル区で0.01±0.03巣/m²，低密度区で0.01±0.03巣/m²であった。各区画について，巣穴密度および営巣密度と面積を乗じて足し合わせた結果，仲ノ神島におけるオオミズナギドリの巣穴数および営巣数はそれぞれ18,853巣と2,783巣，そして繁殖個体数は5,566羽と推定された。仲ノ神島におけるオオミズナギドリの巣穴の採掘方向には一定の方向性が見られ，斜面にある巣では斜面下に向いており，平地では最も近い海側に向いていた。また，巣穴構造には「棒形」と「くの字型」がみられ，巣穴の長さは棒型で75±22 cm，くの字型で99±20 cmであった。

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　本稿は、佐藤栄作内閣における保利茂官房長官―木村俊夫官房副長官という体制の成立経緯と、それがいかに機能したのかを明らかにするものである。

　1968年11月30日、佐藤総理は内閣改造を行い、建設大臣の保利を官房長官に、木村官房長官を副長官とする異例の人事をとった。首席秘書官だった楠田實は、この2人による体制を「大型官房」と呼ぶ。

　「大型官房」成立時、政権は沖縄返還や大学紛争といった課題に直面していた。「大型官房」には、保利を長官に起用し、木村を副長官として官邸にとどめることで官邸を強化する意味が存在した。木村は、楠田とともに官房長官期からメディアやブレイン対応を主導していた。「大型官房」は約3年という長期間継続し、佐藤内閣の長期政権化の一因となったと評価できる。

　この体制は、制度改革ではなく、人事の運用により官邸を強化するものであり、自民党長期政権化における官邸強化の方法であった。この仕組みはその後の内閣にも継承された。

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