After the rebellion of An Lu-shan(安祿山) the silk and horse trades between the Tang(唐) dynasty and the Uighur empire increased sharply. Until now many studies concluded that it had been caused by a one-sided desire for silk of the Uighur empire. But the author's study of the policy concerning horse-breeding of the Tang dynasty tells us that the loss of national pastures in He-xi(河西) and Long-you(隴右), which invasions by the Tibetan kingdom(吐蕃) caused, expanded the need for foreign horses by the Tang dynasty at that time. Therefore, the most basic sources stating that the trades was one-sided, "accounts of the silk and horse trades in the Qian-yuan(乾元) and the Da-li(大暦) era" contained in Jiu Tang shu『舊唐書』, 195, Xin Tang shu『新唐書』, 217 etc. and Yin-shan dao「陰山道」 by Bai Ju-yi(白居易) must be examined again. As the result, we find that the former sources, which state that unjust trades made the fiscal conditions tight, were written in order to accuse the Uighur empire of violence and arrogance. And through the study of the poem with the same titile Yin-shan dao by Yuan Zhen(元〓), which was composed together with Bai Ju-yi, we find it to have been written ironically so as to expose errors of statesmen of those days, especially in fiscal affairs. We need to do away with these artificialities and depend on accounts with more objectivity. And that leads us to other conclusions. The amount of silk which the Tang dynasty could provide within its budget played an important role in deciding how many horses were to be exchanged. And, as previously stated, the expansion of the trades was caused by the change in the policy concerning horse-breeding of the Tang dynasty which was caused by Tibetan invasions. From these points we can conclude that the trads was not just one-sided by Uighur empire, but was greatly influenced by the domestic politics and the economy of the Tang dynasty and the international situation.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify one historical feature of imperial power in China through a study of a change in the treatment of two festivals permitted to the emperor alone -the chiao-ssu (郊祀), the festival of heaven, and the tsung-miao (宗廟), the festival of the ancestral spirits. As has been already shown by one scholar, the Han period emperors from the second reign on customarily worshipped at the shrine of Kao-tzu (高祖), the founder of the dynasty, immediately after their coronation. These emperors thereby maintained their own imperial power by receiving Heaven's will through an intermediary, the ancestral spirit. During the T'ang period, however, the treatment of these festivals was more complicated and varied. Both T'ai-tsung (太宗) and Su-tsung (粛宗), who succeeded to the throne before the death of their predecessors, held the ritual of reporting to Heaven on the occasion of their coronation. After his coronation Kao-tsung (高宗) celebrated chiao-ssu prior to tsung-miao, as he intended his chiao-ssu worship to be a response to Heaven's will and thus different from later chiao-ssu worship he performed. Hsuan-tsung (玄宗) held the ritual of yeh-miao (謁廟). That is, unlike other T'ang emperors he worshipped at the shrine of the ancestral spirits just like the Han emperors. In the latter half of the T'ang, most of the emperors held, three festivals, Lao-tzu miao (老子廟), tsung-miao, and chiao-ssu. The dates of these festivals conformed to such standard dates of the chiao-ssu as the winter solistice, thus suggesting that the main emphasis was put on the celebration of the chiao-ssu. The final T'ang emperor, Ai-ti (哀帝), unsuccessfully sought to perpetuate the T'ang dynasty through celebration of the chiao-ssu. In this way the T'ang can be seen to have attached primary importance to the chaio-ssu in marked contrast to the Han. In the Six Dynasties period the yeh-miao ritual was used in the Southern dynasties only when the person succeeding to the throne was not the crown prince. It can also be seen that during the Six Dynasties the chiao-ssu was increasingly celebrated. Such information shows that from the Six Dynasties to the T'ang the yeh-miao ritual gradually became obsolete and gave way to the celebration of the chiao-ssu by a newly-enthroned emperor himself. We may therefor conclude that the role played by the chiao-ssu in the main-tenance of imperial authority gradually increased in importance during the centuries between the Han and T'ang.

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