This paper looks at how the calligraphic styles of Cai Yong (132-192) were evaluated in the Tang period and examines their contribution to the history of calligraphy in the Tang period based on descriptions about his calligraphic styles in documents, mainly in Shuluns in the Tang period.

  The research revealed a significant number of mentions in Tang and Song documents that regard Cai Yong as the Shudanzhe of model texts in the Han and Wei periods, with three common characteristics discovered among many of the existing models. In Shuluns in the Tang period after the publication of Shuduan by Zhang Huaiguan, Cai Yong wins established appraisal as a master of calligraphy who excels in paleography, with some renewed evaluation from new perspectives, including special comments about his ability to handle more than one calligraphic style.

  These evaluations of Cai Yong's calligraphic styles emphasize their close relationship with the styles of emperors, Xuanzong in particular. It is suggested strongly that Cai Yong played a role in supporting the development of various new calligraphic styles in and after the Shengtang period through his evaluation as a pioneer of calligraphers who use more than one style. Accordingly, it is concluded that the calligraphic styles of Cai Yong in the Tang period played a symbolic role that gave authority to the new calligraphic styles that arose during and after the Shengtang period, including those used by emperors.

  This paper is significant in that it found through evaluations of Cai Yong's calligraphic styles how they influenced Tang emperors in choosing their calligraphic styles, and that it detected the existence of a turning point in choosing calligraphic styles in the Tang period.

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In China from ancient times, an ideologically-based regional division was carried out in which the thousand li (里) surrounding the emperor's palace was made into an area called the Chinei(畿内), a capital region distinguished from non-capital regions (hiwai 畿外) and barbarian territories (Fani 蕃夷). In all of the Chinese classics beginning with the Chori (周礼), this Chinei system was minutely detailed, and it is certain that many of the requirements outlined were put into effect for all the dynasties between the Ch'in(秦) and the T'ang (唐). And the extent of China's Chinei was always restricted by the actual prefecture (Chun hsiem 県郡) in those days ; that is, the region itself is thought to have traditionally consisted of the Han (漢) dynasty's Sanfu (三輔) and Sanhe/Hung nung (三河・弘農) districts. China's Chinei region, being the direct proprietorship under the imperial prerogative, was seen as important in political, eccnomic and military affairs. Its characteristics can be summarized in the following five points : 1)special consideration in civil administration affairs ; 2)military installations for the protection of the capital ; 3)heavy corvee levies ; 4)the area for the provisioning of the imperial family ; 5)the unification of the region in the case of ceremony and ritual because of its close connection to Li-system (礼制), the order of political formality. This Chinei system was soon adopted by both the kingdoms of the Korean peninsula and Japan ; and, of course, became the basic element of their politically centralized provincial systems. In Korea, a Chinei was set up from the era of the three kingdoms (三国) through the unified Shilla (統一新羅) and Karyeo (高麗) period. However, the Chinei of the three kingdoms was limited only to the capital city, a feature which differed from both China and Japan. In Japan, as well, it is widely recognized that from the Taika (大化) era (AD.645-649) throughout the Ritsu-ryo (律令) period, a Chinei system was employed. Up until now established opinions have held that before a thorough Chinese Chinei system was completed in AD.701 after the promulgation of the Taiho Ritsu-ryo (大宝律令) Codes, the Chinei systems of the Temmu/Jito (天武・持統) Courts and the Taika era were established in a region merely confined to the traditional residence area of a group of centrally powerful families, and therefore were somewhat different from the original Chinese concept. However, after a re-investigation of these systems, the author has reached to a different point of view ; that is, already during the Temmu/Jito Courts and the Taika era, the Chinei systems were established with the Understanding that the Chinese systems which they were modelled after were an important link in the order of political ceremony. In this way, the Chinei system is inseparately related to Li-system ; and in Japan the adoption of the ceremonial code based on Li-system dates back to the Suiko (推古) Court at the beginning of the seventh century. Therefore, it is possible that the Chinei system, the stage for this ritual order, was first set up at that time. And so, the adoption of Li-system and Chinei system during the Suiko Court indicates the opening of a state based on this order ; and the character of this Japanese ceremonial political order continued to function as the foundation for governance from the Taika Reform through the Temmu/Jito Courts as well as after the establishment of the Ritsu-ryo state.

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By utilizing previous studies that have identified the biographies of the monks included in the now-lost Mingseng zhuan 名僧伝 from the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧伝, this paper analyzes the uneven distribution of social traits among the monks who were categorized as “shi” 師 and “kujie” 苦節 in the Mingseng zhuan, and proposes the possibility that Baochang’s use of the dual categories of “shi” and “kujie” in the Mingseng zhuan reflected the dualistic class structure of the early medieval Chinese saṃgha.

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This paper suggests that the government of Tsao-Shuang, the last one of the Tsao dynasty, can be seen as a transitional stage leading from the nepotistic rule of the Han (漢) dynasty to the aristocracy of the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei (魏晉南北) dynasties. However, due to the Tsao-Shuang government's radical policy of centralization, opposition from local powers arose resulting in its overthrow by Ssu ma-I (司馬懿). Consequently, Ssu ma-I, recognizing the reason's for the failure of the Tsao-Shuang, government, implemented a revision of the Chung Cheng system, which respected local power. In A.D. 249 the imperial government of the Wei (魏) State at Loyang (洛陽) was overthrown by Ssu ma-I, a general under the Tsao dynasty. This incident would ultimately lead to the establishment of the Western Chin (西晉) dynasty in A.D. 265. At the time of Ssu ma-I's revolt, de facto political power was held by Tsao-Shuang, an imperial prince who was adviser to the young emperor Tsao-Fang (曹芳). This arrangement, which was in accordance with the last wishes of the previous Emperor Tsao-Jui (曹叡), involved a situation in which political power was shared by royalty according to kinship ties and co-provincial (common birthplace) ties with the Emperor. A pattern of nepotistic rule was also apparent during the reign of the Han dynasty ruler Weich'i (外戚). Another aspect of political power under Tsao-Shuang concerns the careers of those in the upper echelons of the political structure. Most were noted literati, famed for their literary works and general scholastic ability. They had gained positions of great influence by cultivating ties with the scions of distinguished families in the court of Emperor Tsao-Jui. The Emperor, suspecting these literati of stirring public opinion against Confucianism, instituted various represive measures to counteract their allegedly destructive influence. The literati found the young nobles to be sympathetic to their plight and, following the Emperor's demise, were able to use their connections to attain prominent positions under the new ruler, Tsao-Shuang. Later, He-An (何晏), a head of the Lipu (吏部), the government office, placed members of the literati and the notables in positions of power in an attempt to establish an effective political base. It is believed that the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei dynastic Period was characterized by a largely aristocratic polity consisting of the notables and literati. Scholars believe that the notables and literati had great influence on public opinion and their status was recognized in return by the general public. If this point of view is accepted, the government of Tsao-Shuang, can be seen as a transitional stage leading from the nepotistic rule, which characterized the Han dynasty, to the aristocracy of the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei dynasties, despite the fact that the overly centralized power wielded by the government of Tsao-Shuang was effectively counteracted by local public opinion. Ssu ma-I overthrew the government of Tsao-Shuang with the backing of local public opinion and attempted to reform the aristocratic basis of government by instituting the Chiu P'in Chung Cheng (九品中正) system, whereby public officials were assigned on the basis of public opinion. The Chou Ta Chung Cheng (州大中正) system was later established to expand the Chung Cheng system by instituting the Chou Ta Chung Cheng, which was positioned above the existing Ch'un Chung Cheng (郡中正) and insured local rights in governmental personnel affairs. Prior to Ssu ma-I's revolt this policy had not been implemented due to the opposition of these close to Tsao-Shuang, who had established the right of the Lipu to handle civil service personnel affairs. The implementation of the Chou Ta Chung Cheng system is usually regarded as an instance of centralization of administiative power. However, in view of the historical trend described in this paper, it is seen more as an

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The hierarchical structure established under the Han Dynasty consisting of a single order of social ranks from emperor to commoner was transformed under the Western tin Dynasty into two separate estates, consisting of nobility and commoners, respectively. This new structure was the result of the emperor using his kingship powers to create an aristocracy, consisting of five ranks, as a state (political) hierarchy. This aristocratic order, along with a new provincial-level recommendation system known as zhouda-zhong-zheng) helped give rise to a bureaucratic system operating on the basis of heredity. Although administrative appointments (i. e., the meritocracy) could not be inherited, aristocratic rank could be, leading to one of the characteristic features of the Chinese aristocratic order, a bureaucracy based on heredity, which the imperial power of the Western Jin Dynasty created. Within the Western Jin recommendation system, scholarly excellence was determined by investigators known as zongzhengguan operating on the wider provincial (zhou) level, free of imperial intervention, which resulted in the establishment of an autonomous aristocratic order on the local level. In contrast, on the central level, it was the emperor who personally conferred ranks of nobility, resulting in a politically oriented aristocracy lacking autonomy from imperial authority as a group of talented individuals not holding bureaucratic office. Since the aristocracy was supposed to exist as the guardian (monopoly) over cultural values with a position in society centered around Confucian ideas, all of its members were by no means happy within in an aristocratic system not based on inherited rank, i. e., a system existing as a state (political) hierarchy under imperial guidance. Such dissatisfaction was expressed in criticism of the zongzhen provincial-level recommendation (classification) system and the movement to reinstate xianlung, the self-determination (classification) of scholarly ability at the local level.

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