徒然草がいつ書かれたか、については諸説があって定まらない現状であるが、常縁本を丹念に読んで行けば、一三三〇年秋ごろから翌一三三一年秋まで、段を追って書かれたものらしい、との結論に達する。そしてその結論は、逆に徒然草の多くの文章に新しい光をあて、また常縁本こそが徒然草原本のありようを伝えたものであって、流布本はそれを改変したものである、という事実を照らし出す。

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Emperor Hanazono was a retired emperor at the margins. As such, he used scholarship as a tool to counter the courtiers who frequently employed the Daikakuji line and the continuation of the family for their own interests, and to justify his own position. Consequently, such scholarship was not intended to redesign the scheme that stressed the lord-vassal relationship as based on propriety (rei) and the concept of the transfer of heaven's mandate (ekisei kakumei), but it resembled "the king and the subject" (taigi meibun) concept. Moreover, Hanazono's praising of the scholarship surrounding Emperor Go-Daigo was a way for him to underscore his own superiority. Needless to say, Hanazono's learning did not exist as an independent entity but contained important political and historical aspects. The issue of fourteenth-century scholarship, especially Neo-Confucianism, has come to be viewed as a reception of Emperor Go-Daigo's political scheme and the concept of the transfer of heaven's mandate. Within this context, The Diary of Emperor Hanazono has often acted as a source for frequent reference. Previous studies have tended to de-contextualize the individual descriptions of the events and Hanazono's views on scholarship as recorded in The Diary. Finding this problematic as an approach, I argue for the importance of contextualizing these descriptions within the frame of The Diary, and propose a new reading.

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There has been a tendency among Japanese historians to slight the litigation system of the medieval imperial court resulting in, very few studies on being done this theme. Recently, however, several important aspects have become clear. First, in the latter half of the Kamakura period, both the Kamakura bakufu and the imperial court administered matters with benevolence, while pursuing a revival of the zasso system (雑訴の興行). Second, the Kamakura bakufu encouraged court nobles to handle independently legal matters related to the imperial court, a move which in turn helped to revitalize the imperial court. Based on these studies, the author believes that an investigation of the imperial litigation system is fundamental in grasping the political history of the late Kamakura period. In the present article, the author examines both the establishment of the legal institution teichu (direct petition from "within the garden") executed by the court nobility, and the role of functionaries (bugyo) within the framework of this institution. First, in the imperial litigation system, each functionary had his speciality and dealt exclusively with cases subsumed under that area (tanto bugyo-sei). This system was first established in the reign of ex-emperor GoSaga, who particularly endeavored to revive the practice of zasso, which was later codified in 1317. Considering the foregoing facts the author believes that the establishment of the tanto-bugyo system had great significance for the revival of zasso in the medieval imperial administration. This system, however, was defective in one important aspect. Functionaries' procrastination and negligence of their duties directly caused the delay of the litigation procedure. It was this defect which triggered the necessity of institutions such as teichu, where one could directly file petitions. Abundant examples indicate the dramatically increasing role of teichu as time progressed. By the beginning of the fourteenth century, upper-class court nobles including dainagon (chief councillors of state), and even emperors themselves served as judges. 'Negligence' on the part of bugyo, again, not only hastened the development of teichu, but also increased the significance of the institution. Taking these facts into consideration, the Teichu Shikijitus (the day of teichu) suggested that, if necessary, even emperors should execute jurisdiction to obtain sage judgement. This suggestion epitomizes the revival of the legal practice, zasso, which was greatly reinforced by the popularity of teichu. The imperial court legal institution, teichu which was first established in 1293 and was consistently developed and improved there after, could be, therefore, regarded as the zenith in the history of the zasso revival supported by the imperial court authority.

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The style of costume worn by Japanese imperial and aristocratic families at official ceremonies changed during the twelfth century to the stiff kowa 強 fashion, which made it difficult for its wearers to dress by themselves, giving rise to a new occupation of professional "outfitters" practicing the art of emon 衣紋. In the present article, the author takes up one of these outfitters, the Takakura 高倉 family, who replaced the Oimikado 大炊御門 family of outfitters (but exactly when this change occurred has yet to be clarified) and who has yet to be discussed in the research on Japanese family organization (ie 家). Focussing on ceremonies for enthronement, the offering of first fruits (daijo-e 大嘗会) and male initiation (gempuku 元服), the author introduces some newly discovered source materials that enables her to pinpoint exactly when the Takakuras replaced the Qimikados and discuss the way of life of the Takakuras during the medieval period. The first section takes up Takakura Nagatsune 永経, who attired the Jimyoin 持明院 imperial line, and Nagayasu 永康, who attired the Daikaku-ji 大覚寺 imperial line. It is interesting that during the late Kamakura period, the Takakura family split in accordance with the frequent schisms that occurred in the imperial family at that time. Section two investigates the very difficult techniques of agemaki 総角 hairstyling for boys. The art was first possessed by the Tokudai-ji 徳大寺 family, then taken up by the Oimikado family. Then in 1371, the Oimikados taught the art to the Takakuras, when Takakura Nagasue 永季 was temporarily engaged for the agemaki work in preparation for the initiation ceremony of future emperor Go-Enyu. In section three, the author focuses on haku-shozoku 帛装束, the white garment worn at the first fruits and other ceremonies, and shows that it was at the time of Go-Komatsu's enthronement in 1382 that the Takakuras replaced the Oimikados, a change made possible by shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu 足利義満. That is to say, from the Kamakura period, the Takakuras had always functioned as assistants or representatives of the Oimikado family, never being allowed to appear at major ceremonies. It was only due to the wishes of Yoshimitsu that the Takakuras were first able appear in the limelight by replacing the Oimikados in the emon preparation for major ceremonies. What remains to be studied is the role of the Takakura family in outfitting aristocrats and warriors for ceremonies that continued during the transition from medieval time to late premodern times and the Edo period.

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Regarding the problem of where and by whom children were raised, our general belief is that they were usually brought up by there own parents after ie 家 system was established in the medieval era. In fact, however, many were entrusted to foster parents as satogo 里子, which meant that lords committed their children to the care of their servants, both male (menoto 乳父) and female (menoto 乳母). These children were called yashinaigimi 養君. Satogo was different from the same term used for the custom from the early modern era on, when children were adopted by farmers living in suburban areas. This article aims to examine the overall ideas about upbringing and guardianship of children in the medieval era. Children who became yashinaigimi were those born of mistresses, those who could not expect to inherit the household, and those who had no caretakers or guardians for reason that their fathers had died or that their maternal relatives were not in power in the case of the Imperial family. These children were discriminated against and ill-treated, and lived lives evidently different from the legitimate children who were brought up in the house holds of their fathers and were privileged in many ways. Male and female menoto guarded and supported yashinaigimi instead of their parents, or their maternal relatives in the case of the Imperial family. Yashinaigimi lived with their menoto until the age between eleven and thirteen, at which time they were considered adults and thus expected to live independently. Male yashinaigimi usually became priests and many of the females became nyobo 女房. What should be noted as a political feature of this system is that some yashinaigimi, who were basically eliminated in the nomination for succession to the throne, were suddenly enthroned in time of war or by the sudden death of an Emperor. In such cases, the familles of their menoto played the role of guardians in place of maternal relatives. Such a custom, which was established in the early 12th century in parallel with the systematization of ie inherited by the legitimate children, became more prevalent in the late medieval era during which the ie system was firmly established, and was finally transformed into the adoption system of the kinsei era.

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It is widely believed among researchers of Japanese history that male menoto 乳父 were originally husbands of female menoto 乳母. There are several cases, however, in which the relatives of female menoto other than her husband, such as her father and her son, were called menoto. In fact, very few facts have been learned about male menoto. This study aims at clarifying what male menoto were and how they changed during Kamakura era. Originally male menoto were a stewards in charge of household management and many other details of yashinaigimi 養君 (a person who is careed for). Therefore they played the roles of educators, a guardians, and assistants in charge of economic matters. In many cases, male menoto assumed a post suitable for a steward. For instance, male menoto of the Togu 東宮 was appointed as Togu-suke 東宮亮 or Togu-Daishin 東宮大進, either of which was supposed to be directly involved in various matters there. During the Kamakura era, male menoto drastically changed. It is most obvious in the case of the male menoto of Togu. From the era of Kanendri 懐成 (Chukyo 仲恭 Tenno) on, male menoto came to be appointed as Togu-Daibu 東宮大夫 or Togu-fu 東宮傅, which was in charge of the Togu. This means that the male menoto of Togu came to be regarded no longer as stewards but as guardians. This change was quite prevalent across the whole society at that time, which is because the change was closely been connected to the fact that the rights of family heads were intensified during that period.

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A shiki (_??_) and a chigyo (_??__??_) are regarded as indications of a landship during the medieval times in Japan. About the shiki, there are two opposite theories; one identifies the shiki in the medieval time with a government post in the anciet, the other regards the shiki as a real right. This dispute has an influence upon historical theories up to now. On the contrary, some historians take a new look on the shiki as a sort of a feud. Representative historians take a theory of a complex about public and private matters to grasp a structure of the medieval history in Japan. According to their viewpoint, a formation of a private ownership is a origin of a feudal ownership. In this article, however, I think a hereditary ownership on the premise that feudal ownerships are established. Therefore, I attend to most of shikis have a word, soden (_??__??_), with that, people living in the medieval claimed a hereditary right in many actions.
The claims for a hereditary right appeared in the middle of the Heian-period, and its owner appointed by his parent was written on a yuzurijo (_??__??_).But hereditary owners were so often infringed by outsiders that they contribute their shiryo (_??__??_) to an influential person to protect himself. And its accepter was looked upon as a lord. At a contribution, a special contract, for example, handed down only to descendants, was exchanged between the both so that an accepter guaranteed the hereditary ownership for a contributor. After that, the lord appointed the contributor a so-and-so shiki, for example, Geshi-shiki (_??__??__??_). The appointment to the shiki yielded to a hereditary contract if it had been not violence of an accepter's right. Consequently I think that the appointment to the shiki was equivalent to a bestowal of a hereditary ownership that the Kamakura-bakufu (_??__??__??__??_) adopted. People living in the medieval thought shiki to be inherited.
About 12th century, powers on the Dynasty worked out logics of a buntsuke (_??__??_) and a betsu-soden (_??__??__??_) from an established system to warrant the inheritance, the former to deny an effect of an inheritance, the latter to deny an appointment. The betsu-soden meant an inheritable right peculiar to a collateral line that was not forfeited by a heir. When the general public claimed a right of a betsu-soden in 13th century, they refused to pay a land-tax to destroy a rule by a lord. I find a good chance to form an exclusive and private landownership. But the betsu-soden was denied by a policy called the kuge-tokusei (_??__??__??__??_), and that brought a change in a feudal phase.

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