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  • 湯浅 佳子
    近世文藝
    2013年 98 巻 1-14
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2017/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―春王・安王の日光山逃避説をめぐって―
    田口 寛
    中世文学
    2008年 53 巻 99-107
    発行日: 2008年
    公開日: 2018/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 博信
    史学雑誌
    1978年 87 巻 2 号 203-218,272-27
    発行日: 1978/02/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article seeks to clarify concretely the relationship between two powerful families in the Sengoku period, the Gohojoshi and the Ashikagashi, as part of the author's research on Kogakubo (古河公方). While rejecting such explanations of these families' relationship as one of compromise or envelopment, theories which ignore the strained relationship between these families, the author examines step by step the strained relations between these two families. He concludes that their relationship developed in the following stages : 1.Before the establishment of marital relations 2.After the establishment of marital relations 3.After the rise of Kubo Yoshiuji (公方義氏) a.Hoshun・indono (芳春院殿) b.Hoshun・inshuko (芳春院周興) 4.The era of Hojo Ujiteru (北条氏照) After the fourth stage the Gohojoshi control of the government was accomplished, and the Kogakubo Ashikagashi existed only as a symbol of authority, thus distinguishing this period from earlier periods when the Ashikagashi held real power. Stages two and three were when the Kogakubo Ashikagashi tried to maintain its power through its symbolic authority. The Gohojoshi was establishing close relations with it through marriages. Then, as a member of the family and the actual Kanto Kanrei (関東管領), Gohojoshi took full advantage of its power and sought to establish itself as Daimyo-Ryogoku-Sei (大名領国制). Thus, the Gohojoshi held a two-sided relationship with the Ashikagashi. During the third stage this two-sided relationship continued when Yoshiuji was not at all a puppet. Hoshun・indono, the daughter of Hojo Ujitsuna (北条氏綱の娘) and mother of Yoshiuji, and then later on the Zen monk Hoshun・inshuko both played important function in developing this two-sided relationship to an extreme degree. Hoshun・inshuko, as the head of the sojya (奏者), had an important role in many ways, even in the composition of formal documents, and he took an active role in changing the power structure of the kubo. Also, at this time the Esso (越相) Alliance was formed between two former rivals, Echigo Uesugishi (越後上杉) and Gohojoshi. This new alliance confirmed the relationship between the Gohojoshi and the Kubo Yoshiuji, while it also brought to an end the external function of Yoshiuji. Thereby the Gohojoshi could end its two-sided relationship with Yoshiuji and changed him into just one of the feudal lords under the Gohojoshi rule. Yoshiuji survived only as a symbol of authority without any political base but for his position as an ancestor of the Ashikagashi.
  • 山田 邦明
    史学雑誌
    1987年 96 巻 3 号 310-341,412-41
    発行日: 1987/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Conventional research on Kamakura-Fu (鎌倉府), which ruled the ten eastern provinces of the Kanto region during the Muromachi period, has tended to concentrate more on its relationship with the Muromachi Bakufu in Kyoto and less on what kind of power structure supported it and how this government controlled the various classes in the Kanto area. The present paper starts out to consider Kamakura-Fu's power structure and its control over the Kanto Plain, especially the power base of the Kamakura Kubo (鎌倉公方). Then, the author switches attention to the Hoko-shu (奉公衆) itself, which formed the military and political base of the Kamakura Kubo's ruling power ; and together with identifying that group of attendants from existing documents, he summarizes the Hoko-shu's conditions of existence and its organizational process. Concerning the Hoko-shu's conditions of existence, from the historical source entitled Kamakura Nenchu Gyoji (鎌倉年中行事), describing yearly events and ceremonies in that administrative town, we find three statuses within the Hoko-shu, namely 1)the Hyojo-shu (評定衆), 2)the Hikitsuke-shu (引付衆) and 3)other members. We see clear status discrimination toward those "other members" excluded from (or positioned below) statuses 1) and 2). Also, as the Hoko-shu formed a rotation system for guarding the Kubo's palace (gosho 御所), there were also members located (or living) in the provinces. The author was able to identify from the available sources 74 members of the Kamakura-Fu Hoko-shu. Their names and conditions of membership may be summarized as follows : A)The Ashikaga clan families including the Kira (吉良), Shibukawa (渋川), Isshiki (一色), Imagawa (今川), Kako (加子) and Hatakeyama (畠山). B)The original Ashikaga family vassals including the Uesugi (上杉), Ko (高), Kido (木戸), Noda (野田), Teraoka (寺岡), Kajiwara (梶原), Ebina (海老名), Shidara (設楽) and Yanada (簗田). C)Traditional Kamakura based bureaucrats including the Nikaido (二階堂), Nagai (長井), and Machino (町野). All of the families included in A, B and C served the Kamakura Kubo from the inception of Kamakura-Fu ; and during the era of Kubo Motouji (1349-67), the B group of Ashikaga vassals formed the dominant power group of the Hoko-shu. However, beginning from the era of Kubo Ujimitsu (1367-98) the Kamakura Kubo more and more included in the Hoko-shu many provincial bigmen (kokujin 国人) throughout the Kanto Plain. And so, when Mitsukane became Kubo (1398-1409), the number of Hoko-shu members had greatly increased, and their main source of power had shifted to a new group (D) made up of these same Kanto Plain kokujin. These included the likes of the Ohmori (大森) of Suruga, the Honma (本間) and Miura (三浦) of Sagami, the Edo (江戸) of Musashi, the Satomi (里見), Yamana (山名), Nawa (那波) and Takayama (高山) of Kozuke, the Sano (佐野) of Shimotsuke, the Shishido (宍戸), Tsukuba (筑波) and Oda (小田) of Hitachi and the Unagami (海上), Indo (印東) and Ryugasaki (龍崎) of Shimousa. During Mitsukane's reign such families as the Shishido and Unagami even appear in the elite corps of Kubo palace functionaries (gosho bugyo 御所奉行). As a result of their personal hold over these Kanto Plain kokujin, the Kamakura Kubos were able to expand quite successfully their own direct military bases.
  • ——1433年永享地震と1495年明応地震の検討——
    石橋 克彦
    地震 第2輯
    2023年 76 巻 195-218
    発行日: 2023/11/06
    公開日: 2023/11/17
    [早期公開] 公開日: 2023/10/26
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    As the interplate Kanto earthquakes along the Sagami trough, central Japan, three events are known in 1923, 1703 and 1293. For disclosing an event between 1293 and 1703, I investigated two candidates of the Kanto earthquake in the 15th century historiographically. The 1433 Eikyo earthquake, the first candidate, was felt strongly and caused damage in a wide area of the Kanto district, and was probably felt in Kyoto. At Kamakura on the northeastern coast of Sagami Bay, many aftershocks were felt for about twenty days, landslides occurred, and all earthen fences fell down. Hearsay in Kyoto tells that in Kanto buildings fell down and many people died. I estimated the seismic intensity at Kamakura at least at 5 Upper to 6 Lower (on the JMA scale) and that at Yamanashi-shi about 90 km northwest of Kamakura, at 5 Lower to 5 Upper. By adopting these estimations to a ground motion prediction equation, a probable source region has been inferred to be almost the same as that of the 1923 Kanto earthquake and M, around 8. However, there is no reliable record of tsunamis, although hearsay in Kyoto tells that the Tone River emptying into Edo Bay connected to Sagami Bay flowed backward, which suggests a tsunami run-up. If the Eikyo earthquake produced no tsunami, it is considered an inland event between Kamakura and Yamanashi-shi. I checked the possibility that the Isehara fault, the most probable source in terms of geography and its activity history, had generated this earthquake. The possibility turned out low because the predicted seismic intensity at Yamanashi-shi was 4. The 1495 Meio earthquake, the second candidate, has been suspected to be a great Kanto earthquake based mainly on a presumable tsunami deposit dated to the late 15th century found at Usami archeological site on the west coast of Sagami Bay. However, there is no record of this earthquake in contemporary historical documents in the Kanto district except for strong ground motion and a tsunami at Kamakura written in a brief chronological table (Kamakura onikki). It is uncertain whether the earthquake was felt in Kyoto though two contemporary diaries in Kyoto record earthquakes on the same day. Moreover, the event deposit at Usami has problems; marine diatom fossils have not been checked yet, and it is reported that the deposit did not contain ‘Ogama’ potteries widely used since around 1485 even though many fragments of potteries of the 15th century were contained. Therefore, it seems almost impossible that the 1495 Meio earthquake was a great Kanto earthquake. If the 1433 Eikyo earthquake is surely an interplate event, it becomes that a Kanto earthquake recurred only 140 years after the 1293 event, which brings about a significant problem for the present earthquake countermeasures. For unquestionable confirmation of the 15th century’s Kanto earthquake, more paleoseismological investigation is needed. Especially, a further study of the Isehara fault and searching for tsunami deposits in the 15th century are very important. Re-examination of the Usami event deposit is also indispensable.

  • 佐藤 博信
    史学雑誌
    1979年 88 巻 7 号 1120-1134,1210-
    発行日: 1979/07/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to study the various historical materials which have been handed down in the Kitsuregawa Family, the last descendant of Kamakura-Kubo Family : Kanto-Ashikaga-shi. (鎌倉公方家 : 関東足利氏) Chapter II pays particular attention to the connection between the manuscript "Kitsuregawa-monjo" (「喜連川文書」) which is now in the possession of the National Library and the materials owned by Otomaru Ashikaga (足利於兎丸) (which are the manuscripts concerning the Kitsuregawa Family kept in the Editorial Office of Historical Materials at Tokyo University.) It is proved that the latter was 'Gosho-an' (御書案) which was edited during the period of Yoriuji Kitsuregawa (頼氏) in the early seventeenth century ; and that the former was the manuscript made referring to the latter in the period of Shigeuji Kitsuregawa (茂氏) in the first half, of the eighteenth century. The arrangement of the old documents of the Kitsuregawa Family was made twice. The aim of the latter was to show the succession from the Kubo Family to the Ko Family (公方家, 高家) ; while on the other hand that of the former was to edit the historical materials of the period their lord studied. It is clear that these two documents are quite different. Being different from Shimazu-shi (島津氏), the Kitsuregawa was seemed to take no special measures with the original document, but they rather made efforts to make manuscripts. We think that this was one of the ways of arranging old documents in those days. In Chapter III, the historical materials owned by Otomaru Ashikaga were studied and the contents of each were analyzed. Chapter IV deals with "Kitsuregawa-monjo" written in the "Tochigiken-shi" (『栃木県史』) and it is pointed out that even within the "Kitsuregawa-monjo" each one differs in content and form. In Chapter V, the original historical documents of the Kitsuregawa Family which have been recently confirmed are examined as well as verifying the process of acquiring and certifying the documents. Further analysis has also been made upon the contents of each material.
  • 佐藤 博信
    史学雑誌
    1976年 85 巻 7 号 1049-1066,1124-
    発行日: 1976/07/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The chief aim of this article is to analyze the old letters (monjo) which are kept in the possession of Banna Temple (Bannaji) in Shimotsuke province and to further studies about the Kanto Ashikaga families. The contents of the Bannaji monjo are so complicated that very few students have ever made use of them. In this paper, therefore, the author was obliged to take as his chief subject the general framework and meaning of the letters. Furthermore, in this research the materials were carefully selected and limited to the later Middle Ages. But, even then the sources are of quite a considerable number. In the past it has been thought that these letters had been filed into two groups : undated letters (a sort of hosho) dating mainly from the Sengoku period and those letters connected with the Koga-Kubo Ashikaga families. But, after careful examination, it became apparent that the latter consisted of two different groups of letters, the Kogasama monjo and the Shakesama monjo. Most of the Kogasama monjo date from the later Muromachi and Sengoku periods (mid-15th to 16th cent.). The author tried to prove this by checking and investigating each of the successive generations of the Kogasama and Shakesama families and their attendants. Thus, the so-called Bannaji monjo in the latter period of the Middle Ages were made up of two massive groups of letters related to the Kogasama and Shakesama families. And, in addition, they had a three group connection -Bannaji-Shakesama-Kogasama -as was publicly manifest by the right of recommendation belonging to the Shakesama family and the right of appointment belonging to the Kogasama family. In the start of the 16th century these relations came to an end with the decline of the Shakesama family's power. Thus, there emerged a direct link between Bannaji and the Kogasama family. But, in the latter half of the 16th century, in the era of Yoshiuji Ashikaga, a new three group connection was set up among Bannaji, Hoshuin, and Kurihashisama.
  • 表示様式を中心とせる (昭和二十五年三月十二日報告)
    尾形 裕康
    日本學士院紀要
    1950年 8 巻 3 号 347-398
    発行日: 1950年
    公開日: 2007/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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