Known as the greatest incident in Chines Muslim history, the Muslim rebellion in the Shaanxi and Gansu provinces (1862-1878) has also attracted attention as being one of the peasantry rebel. lions near the end of the Qing dynasty. However, by analyzing the outbreak and spread of the rumors frequently occurring before and during the rebellion, a different image of the Muslim re bellion can be conceived, There was orderly discipline between Han and Hui in the Wei River area before the rebellion, even though occasional strife, such as feuds, and a strong sense of having a different culture and society among each other existed. Focusing on the change of content of the rumors, the Muslim riots in the Wei River area in 1862 was the outbreak of the Han and Hui differentiating each other and destroying the order that had existed between them. Each society fighting for its survival, it can be said that this rebdlion had the characteristic of an "ethnic conflict". Also taking into account of the impact and spread. ing process of the "Wash away Muslims" rumors on the Han and Hui societies, this rebellion was closely related to the formation of militias. Occurring a midst of the militarization process, the Muslim rebellion of the Wei River area shared aspects similar to the other rebellions occurred all over China in this period.

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Inu-Oumono 犬追物, the sport of shooting dogs with bow and arrow, was a popular martial art during the Middle Ages in Japan. Its popularity among not only the warrior elite of the shogunate and provincial magistrates (Shugo 守護) but also ordinary samurai during the Muromachi period is attested to by the large number of place names, Inu-no-Baba (the gaming field for the sport), that still exist in Japan. today. Inu-oumono has been mainly studied as a traditional custom among the samurai class but in this paper the author discusses it as a social phenomenon, dealing in particular with the role played by groups of social infe- riors, kawara-no-mono 河原ノ者, who were diseriminated against, in staging inu-oumono events. The task given to kawara-no-mono groups was to supply on the average 200-300 (sometimes as many as a thousand) target dogs for each event, manage the dogs during the game, then dispose of the wounded animals afterwards. They became involved in the sport due to the fact that the samurai promoters could not supply such large amounts of dogs on their own at such short notice. So they turned to kawara-no-mono who worked keeping streets clean and safe, which included capturing stray dogs. During the events, kawara-no-mono were put in charge of surrounding and freezing dogs that jumped out of the roped-off target circle running wild all over the 70 × 70-meter field. Despite that fact that the bamboo sticks that they carried marked them as inferior "dog-catchers" kawara-no-mono were well-paid for 'their services : in one case 350 kan 貫 (equivalent to about 50 million yen today). This was ample recognition of the hard work required to catch and keep enough dogs for muoumono events that could attract as many as ten thousand spectators and make large profits for the samurai who held them.

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　清代のモンゴル（一六三五～一九一一）は、清朝が導入した「盟旗」という軍事行政組織によって統治されていた。しかし、盟旗組織下におけるモンゴルの諸地域社会には、地域的・歴史的特性が存在した。本論文は、一九世半ばから二〇世紀初頭までのオトグ旗に着目し、同旗の社会構造と同旗における裁判の実態を解明しようとするものである。

　まず、オトグ旗の社会構造について、行政組織と身分秩序を中心に概観した。旗内ではザサグと旗衙門が権力の中心と、それ以外の旗内の領域は地方（「周辺」）と、それぞれ位置づけられていた。旗衙門には役人が交替制で勤務し、案件処理を含んだ日常行政を担っていた。地方にも役人が存在し、旗衙門から遠く隔たった地域の行政を処理していた。また、オトグ旗には「ジャルグチ」というモンゴル固有の役職も存在し、主に漢人に関わる業務を担当していた。これらの役人と並んで、地方では貴族の身分を持つタイジが平民に対して権勢を振るっていた。

　次いで、裁判事例の分析を通して裁判の実態を記述した。すなわち離婚や家畜をめぐる争い、不法に拘束された事件、人命（自殺）に関わる案件を紹介し、分析した。これらの事例によれば、民事的性格の強い案件は地方で、刑事的性格の強い事案は旗衙門で処理される傾向にあった。ただし、民事的性格の強い案件は全てが公権力による裁判によって処理された訳ではなく、地方において仲裁や調停によって処理されることもあったことも指摘された。

　第三に、地方と旗衙門における裁判の流れについて記述したうえで、当時の裁判実務が孕んでいた問題点とそれに対する盟の対策について論じた。盟の対策においては、第一に、訴訟は現状のやり方と異なり、まず原告の所属する蘇木の蘇木章京に提起すべきものとされた。これによって蘇木章京→扎蘭章京→梅林章京→旗衙門（ザサグ）という軍事行政組織とその官僚序列を基盤とし、案件の難易度に応じて段階的に序列の下方から上方へと持ち送りがなされる裁判制度が整えられた。対策においては、第二に、地方にいる、裁判権を付与されていないタイジや役人による「私的な裁判」の禁止がなされた。

　最後に、本論文で得られた知見をまとめたうえで、清代のオトグ旗の社会構造と裁判の実態が同時代のアラシャ旗やハラチン右翼旗の場合と比べてどの点で異なるのかについて略述した。

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This paper considers the Ping-Liu-Li Uprising of 1906 from the viewpoint of popular culture surrounding the Mid-autumn festival, and focuses on the following three points. First, the Ping-Liu-Li Uprising consisted of many phases, and rumors about the uprising which appeared in the Mid-autumn festival played an important role. The second point is the ideals and world view of the people were contained in the rumors. The third point concerns the connection between those ideals and world view and several leaders of the Tong Meng Hui and the Hong River Society. The Ping-Liu-Li Uprising started with an appeal from the Tong Meng Hui to the secret societies, which resulted in the organization of the Hong River Society. However, the main factor which led to the uprising was popular ideals and world view as reflected in Mid-autumn festival : the idea of the present world coming to an end, the appearance of a savior, and the realization of a peaceful world. It was believed that a savior would come to earth on the night of the Mid-autumn festival and save the people. Ultimately, this meant the return of the fundamental world. It has been said that the Ping-Liu-Li Uprising was raised by leaders of the Tong Meng Hui and the Hong River Society. However, the ideals and world view of the people also played an important role in this uprising. This phenomenon was to be repeated in the Revolution of 1911.

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