詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する:
全文: "国子監"
116件中 1-20の結果を表示しています
  • 渡 昌弘
    人間と環境
    2013年 4 巻 37-38
    発行日: 2013/11/30
    公開日: 2018/04/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 河住 玄
    人間と環境
    2017年 8 巻 83-98
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/04/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 多賀 秋五郎
    日本の教育史学
    1967年 10 巻 253-256
    発行日: 1967/09/30
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 和田 正廣
    史学雑誌
    1978年 87 巻 3 号 310-345,408-40
    発行日: 1978/03/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    u-ren who passed the xiang-shi (郷試) exams in the Ming dynasty had not only the qualification of being able to take the Hui-shi (会試) examination all their lives but also the social status of one who has entered the National University (国子監) and thus the chance of being appointed to office. The aim of this article is to verify, from a legal point of view, 1that from the mid-Ming the Ju-ren, even before their appointment to office, had, while living in the countryside, been forming a new status stratum among the local elite. In the Hong-wu and Yong-le eras (i.e., 1368-1424) a few Ju-ren returned home without entering the National University even though they had a chance of being appointed to office. Most Ju-ren who failed in the Hui-shi exams were Ju-ren jian-sheng (挙人監生) attending the National University. But, in the first half of the fifteenth century Ming fiscal difficulties compelled Ju-ren attending the National University to return temporarily to their permanent place of residence. After the Cheng-hua and Hong-zhi eras (i.e., 1465-1505) most Ju-ren refused to re-enter the National University, and in spite of penal rules they chose to return home in face of the difficulty they had in acquiring an official post and in meeting the requirements of the Hui-shi exams. From the second half of the fifteenth century most Ju-ren stayed in their native area regardless of whether or not they entered the National University. Certain examination system regulations were applied to them, because they were politically very active. They pressed illegal demands on influential people inside and outside of the local yamens in rural society. In 1605 the proscription forbidding those punished for violations involving entrance or return to the National University from taking the Hui-shi exams took effect. The emperor did away with regulations compelling Ju-ren to enter the National University, and he allowed them to stay in their local area while he adopted new regulations for recommendations and evaluation of their merits. At the same time he tried to use the Xun-an yu-shi (巡按御史) to strengthen management of the Ju-ren. But by the end of the Ming such management of Ju-ren residing in their local area was no longer functioning.
  • 丹羽 友三郎
    法制史研究
    1970年 1970 巻 20 号 111-131,4
    発行日: 1971/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    As the central administrative government office, there were 9 Si (_??_) and 5 Jian (_??_) in the Táng (_??_), 9 Si (_??_) and 6 Jian (_??_) in the Sòng (_??_), 8 Si (_??_) and 7 Jian (_??_) in the South Office of the Liáo (_??_), and 11 Yuàn (_??_), 2 Si (_??_), 6 Jian (_??_) and 3 Si (_??_) in the Jin (_??_) dynasty.
    On the other hand, the Yuán (_??_) dynasty had 14 Yuàn (_??_), 10 Si (_??_), 12 Jian (_??_), 3 Si (_??_) and 5 Fu (_??_), except Zhongshusheng (_??__??__??_) and Liùbù (_??__??_).
    It becomes clear that there is an analogy among the institutions in the Táng (_??_), the Sòng (_??_) and the Liáo (_??_) dynasty, and that the system in the Yuán (_??_) was built up under the influence of the Jin (_??_) dynasty.
    The followings are the special characters of Jian (_??_) in the Yuán (_??_) period.
    (1) It is very large in number.
    (2) The subordination among the offices is very much complicated.
    (3) It has, as a rule, the plural chief officers, and it has 8 chiefs at some offices.
    (4) Quite a number of the government officials worked in their offiices.
    (5) Generally, the official rank is very high, and the rank of the chief officer is the upper in no. 3 class.
    (6) The government organization was reformed frequently; the changing of the name, the ups and downs of the rank, and the separation and annexation of the office were held several times.
    (7) The number of the government men was often increased or decreased, too. These aforesaid special characters came from the next circumstances.
    (1) The Yuán (_??_) dynasty gave preferential treatment to the Mongolians, and the government system in this period introduced the Mongolians' own customs, such as the council system and the shift system.
    (2) The complicated subordination was due to the nomadic Mongolians' loose thought rather than to their incompetence.
    In short, the government system in the Yuán (_??_) dynasty is the fixed style of the military administration by the Mongolian conquerors.
  • 多賀 秋五郎
    日本の教育史学
    1967年 10 巻 47-76
    発行日: 1967/09/30
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Yung-he-ti is the third emperor of Ming Dynasty in the fifteenth century. He was a man who took a very active part in the national and military affairs in the vast area. His educational policy had necessarily to extend over the vast area. Here I wish to describe how he planned and practiced the policy over such an area as came under his control or over foreign lands. He decided without permission that Japan and Loochoos belong to him, and yet their rulers so much wished to have a foreign trade with his country that they were not so particular about the problem. So he believed it his duty as a great ruler to enlighten Japan and Loochcos and printed a hundred enlightening books, "CH'UAN-SHAN-SHU" and "NEI-HSUN-SHU", in order to give them to Japan if it wished to have. He welcomed students from Roochoos and gave them facilities for their study. He established a school in Yun-Nan district where many people different from Han race were living. Young people of powerful families rooted in that district were invited to enter the school in the capital, but he never took advantage of them as a hostage, thus showing an emperor's magnanimity of a big kingdom. Moreover, he dispatched a large expedition army to Viet-nam and conquered it. Many schools were also established there for the purpose of cultivating humanity by the Chinese culture, fostering officials, and enforcing them Chinese style of government. Thus Yung-le-tis educational policy was fundamantally of imperialistic character with the background of military power, but it must be noted that he had an intention of enlightening the uncivilized area. Of course it was based on the idea of Middle Flowery Kingdom, the best center of the world, but it was an innevitable matter at that age when the ideal of formation of humanity could not pass a certain limit in Asiatic world.
  • 瀧川 政次郎
    社会経済史学
    1933年 3 巻 5 号 501-513
    発行日: 1933/08/01
    公開日: 2017/09/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 判語の導入をめぐって
    和田 正廣
    法制史研究
    1993年 1993 巻 43 号 271-308,en10
    発行日: 1994/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    The feature of the subject in Ke-Ju system of the Ming period, is that judicial decisions were adopted instead of the poetry. From the first, Zhu Yuán Zhang wanted to exclude such a false sentence as has danger that fact would be hidden, and he demanded sincere learning. That judicial decision was adopted instead of the poetry by Zhu Yuán Zhang was also because he wished that a government official should have a deep understanding for the confucian morals and the administrative ability.
    Judicial decision of the Ming period can be descended from Pàn (_??_) of the Táng Period, or from Duàn Àn (_??__??_) of the Xin Ke Míng Fa Ke that was established by Wáng Ãn Shí, who claimed sincere learning in 1069 (Xi Níng 2 Mián). However, Deng Ke Lú of Xiang Shì ·z;Huì Shì in the Ming period does not show us an example answer on judicial decision. Accordingly, its contents seem to have derived from an annotated edition of Lú Lì which was published for the use of any government official, clerk, students preparing for an examination of Ke-Ju in the late Ming period.
    Judicial decision was adopted in the Xiang Shì of Ming period as one of the Ke-Ju system, and the most frequently used clause was set at Jia Jing (_??__??_)-Wàn Lì (_??__??_) era of the late Ming period, Li Lù(_??__??_) [Jìn Zhi Yíng Sòng (_??__??__??__??_)]. When we study this clause in the annotated edition of Lù Lì (_??__??_), we can find that «Zhao Ni (_??__??_)»and«Pàn Yu (_??__??_)» are very important. The first step of the «Zhao Ni»is an acknowledgment of suspicion toward Zhào Jia that welcomed and sent off their superiors as well as Qián Yi which accepted welcome and send-off of Zhào Jia. The second step is to make the original bill of culpability (_??__??_=_??_·_??_). The third step is to make the original bill of punishment (_??_) which imposes Penalty of Zhàng (_??_) ninety to the principal and an accessory.
    In all cases, the examples of the «Pàn Yu» regarding [Jìn Zhi Yíng Sòng], are composed of from one hundred to one hundred forty two letters. When we analyze each phrase in judicial decision, we can easily find that, in all cases, it shows an antithesis of eight crotches. In short, Pàn Yu= [Jìn Zhi Yíng Sòng]refers to the historical cases and admonishes the government official that observed or deviated the rules on the welcome and send-off as a matter of courtesy at administration of justice. It also, regarding the application of a law, requires to make up a literary composition full of flowery rhetoric which consists of eight crotches on wording the acknowledgment of suspicion as well as the judgement of a punishment.
    Set questions of judicial decision are frequently adopted in the late Ming period. Such a feature seems to be relevant to the conflicts of the Ju Hé (_??__??_) ·Kao Chá (_??__??_) of Fu·Àn (_??_·_??_) for the local government official that have been actualized in Jia Jing-Wàn Lì era.
  • 川 一夫
    日本の教育史学
    1960年 3 巻 106-119
    発行日: 1960/10/20
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In order to study the result of the Kokushikan of the Ming Era, it is necessary to examine the Civil Examination, for the former was conducted mainly for the latter. In this study, therefore, I have studied officialism and problems created by the increase of the competitive rate of the Civil Examination toward the end of the Ming Era. Contents Chapter I Introduction Chapter II The Contest of the Civil Examination Chapter III The Chronicle of the Civil Examination and Conclusion
  • 濱中 昇
    史学雑誌
    2009年 118 巻 10 号 1842-1850
    発行日: 2009/10/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 渡 昌弘
    人間と環境 電子版
    2017年 14 巻 32-46
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/04/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中村 薫
    書学書道史研究
    2012年 2012 巻 22 号 27-40
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2013/06/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    When Mi Fu 米〓 discusses the "even and bland" (pingdan 平淡) and the "heavenly and true" (tianzhen 天眞) in works such as the Shushi 書史, Huashi 畫史, Baopu yingguang ji 寶晋英光集, and Haiyue mingyan 海岳名言, his discussion is underpinned by a negative, prejudiced, and sharpened consciousness seeking to eliminate the "vulgar" or "common" (su 俗). Ouyang Xiu 歐陽脩 wrote of the poetry of Mei Yaochen 梅堯臣 that he set out from the even and bland, brought out profundity and breadth, and achieved the odd and crafted, while Su Shi 蘇軾 wrote that when writing a poem, one produces new meanings through classical allusions and creates the elegant by means of the vulgar. These writers possessed a wholesomeness that encompasses even that which seems to run counter to the "even and bland" or embraces the "vulgar" and sublimates it to the elegant in an attempt to achieve an organic unity, and they did not develop vehement critiques that were simply sharply focused on the "non-vulgar." This is a major difference even though, like Mi Fu, they used the same terms "even and bland" and "heavenly and true" to express aesthetic ideas. the same terms "even and bland" and "heavenly and true" to express aesthetic ideas.
      In this article, I discuss the terms pingdan and tianzhen as used in the poetry, prose, and treatises on poetry by Ouyang Xiu, Mei Yaochen, Su Shi, etc., and in "poetry talks" such as the Canghai shihua 藏海詩話, which were popular during the Song. I also consider the awareness of the "even and bland" and the "heavenly and true" in Mi Fu's writings on painting and calligraphy and discuss what lies at the basis of this awareness from the perspective of the background circumstances at the time.
      The background factors underlying Mi Fu's awareness when he spoke of the "even and bland" and the "heavenly and true" were wide-ranging. The biggest direct factors were his commenting from a position of leadership as a teacher of calligraphy and painting, his abhorrence of the inundation of calligraphic fonts by Yan Liu'ou 顔柳歐 associated with the popularity of movable-type printing, his criticism of the deluge of forgeries from his position as a calligrapher, a connoisseur, and a collector, and his experience in making rubbings and copies faithful to the originals in his capacity as someone who prided himself in being a skilled copyist.
  • 新井 理恵, 久保 妙子, 大西 國太郎
    都市計画論文集
    2008年 43.3 巻 547-552
    発行日: 2008/10/25
    公開日: 2017/01/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    本調査研究の目的は、北京旧城歴史文化保護区の現状を分析し、景観の保存再生の方法についての、現在の解決策における課題を明らかにすることである。2001年に、歴史文化保護区の保護計画が策定された。ようやく方向性が決められ、「小規模微循環方式」によって歴史的街区の整備が進められている。しかしその方法は、部分的な修復ではなくて、四合院の建替えが主である。そのため、材料やデザインも画一的で、それぞれの四合院の持っていた特性が失われるなど多くの問題を抱えている。
  • 太田 節三
    紙パ技協誌
    1999年 53 巻 1 号 109
    発行日: 1999/01/01
    公開日: 2009/11/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 林 友春
    日本の教育史学
    1966年 9 巻 196-201
    発行日: 1966/09/25
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • —家譜の読解と元祖の位牌の新設—
    武井 基晃
    比較家族史研究
    2018年 32 巻 8-30
    発行日: 2018/03/31
    公開日: 2019/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 塚本 靖
    地学雑誌
    1908年 20 巻 10 号 701-712
    発行日: 1908/10/15
    公開日: 2010/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 河住 玄
    人間と環境
    2016年 7 巻 113-129
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2018/04/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 林 友春
    日本教育学会大會研究発表要項
    1962年 21 巻 26-28
    発行日: 1962/05/03
    公開日: 2018/04/20
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 山田 正敏
    日本教育学会大會研究発表要項
    1962年 21 巻 25-26
    発行日: 1962/05/03
    公開日: 2018/04/20
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
feedback
Top