The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the local ruling methods of the Asakura-shi who gained supremacy in Echizen-no-kuni, mainly through their struggle in the Onin-Bunmei rebellions in the late fifteenth century. The special features of the local rule of the Asakura-shi are presented in five major points below. First, by analysing local rule in the manors Kawaguchi-no-sho and Tsuboe-no-sho (河口・坪江庄), which were of principal significance to the Asakura-shi in ruling Echizen-no-kuni, the following three points become clear. One, Kofuku-ji, Daijo-in (興福寺大乗院), the original owner of these manors was dependent on the ruling organization of the Asakura-shi to get the tribute of these manors. Two, this function which the ruling organization of the Asakura-shi held originated in the power that the Asakura-shi were able to govern the jige-uke (), an autonomous method of organizing tribute work done by the peasants. Three, the peasants' jige-uke was carried out through the myo (名), a tribute collecting organization under the manor system. Second, we further argue that the three features shown above are also applicable to local rule of the Asakura-shi in other areas of Echizen-no-kuni. For this purpose the methods used by the Asakura-shi to ensure the security of the possessions of temples and kyunin (local lords controlled by the Asakura-shi) are analysed and the following conclusion was reached. The function of the Asakura-shi in guaranteeing the security of the possessions of temples and kyunin derives from the fact that the Asakura-shi had power to control the peasants' jige-uke. Third, we examine the question of why the Asakura-shi were able to direct the jige-uke of the peasants. As an answer we indicate the fact that the Asakura-shi were able to organize the manor lords, temples and Kyunin with their own structure by supporting the common position of manor lords, temples and Kyunin against peasants in regard to the harvest of the land. Fourth, we point out that Ikko-ikki (一向一揆) existed as an antagonistic force which shook the ruling system of the Asakura-shi whose existence was founded on the situation outlined in the third major point. Fifth, another basis of the Asakura-shi ruling system was found in the policy of the Asakura-shi in regard to transportation and distribution. We show that the Asakura-shi controlled the means of transport which were points of contact where transport and distribution activity in Echizen-no-kuni met their counterparts from other domains.

抄録全体を表示

How local seigniors, called Kokuga-zaicho (国衙在庁) or Gokenin (御家人), changed during the Kamakura period remains a problem. I try to make clear this ploblem in the case of this. The author examines the case of Saika region in the downstream area of the Kinokawa River in Kii Province. First of all the author analyzes the members of the Kishu-sogoku (紀州惣国), that was called the Saika-ikki (雑賀一揆) alliance for joint protest, in the year 1562. All of the know members are classified into the middle class of the late medieval village not the local seignior class. Their bases of operation were their home villages, and they were closely tied to the organization of those villages. The Kishu-sogoku was therefore an intervillage organization. In this area, the local seigniors, who had been Kokuga-zaicho or Gokenin during the Kamakura period, were absorbed into the villages where they lived. This absorption was not a normal development in their character. The essence of their character disappeared with the growing power of the villages. It was one typical course of change among the local seigniorst. In the case of Kongoubuji Temple close by this area, the change was essentially similar. In this area, almost all the local seigniors, who had been called Gesu (下司) and Kumon (公文) during the Kamakura period, had been ruined by the villages. But after their ruin, the positions of Gesu and Kumon remained in the village organization. The people who served in these positions were essentially the same as "local seigniors" in the downstream area of the Kinokawa River, who had changed into the village middle class. The former case is one of absorption of the seigniors' role, and the later case is one of absorption of the seigniors' families. The former case exemplifies the essence of this change. The author then tries to clarify the functions of village organizations. The tax account books were compiled by the villages, not by the feudal lords. The Kishu-sogoku paid the taxes, and were not interfered with by the lords. Village organizations demanded that Shugo (守護 the governor of Kii Province) must not interfere in their affairs, in spite of the fact that he was the lord of those villages at that time. The villages built castles for themselves, and did not interfer with one other. Village organizations in this area had much stronger autonomy than in other areas. Such organizational power in this area ruined the local seigniors of the late medieval age.

抄録全体を表示

In this paper, the authors would like to show (1) some examples of the early deteriorated Reinforced Concrete (RC) structures in developing countries with ODA, (2) poor construction technology and workmanship in site and (3) the effect of temperature on the corrosion of steel bars in reinforced concrete. Also, the authors describe the investigative approach, the construction technique and the material choice based on the situation in the developing countries.

As a result, the RC structures in the developing countries are more easily deteriorated compared to those in Japan and other developed countries. This is partly because of the fact that the temperature is relatively higher in developing countries of Southeast Asia and Africa, and therefore the percolation rate of chloride ions and water contents in concrete becomes larger, which then induces the corrosion of steel bars in concrete.

Also, in developing countries, the improvement and the specialization of construction are not advanced as in Japan and there are few professional engineers equivalent to the Japanese craftsmen. In general, the technical levels of the local supply companies are considerably lower than those in Japan. Also, the construction supplies which are prepared by those local supply companies can be low in terms of quality. Therefore, it is important that the Japanese operation staff personally check the quality and manage the supply companies appropriately at the locale. In addition, the engineers of the Japanese companies need to learn the basic knowledge about concrete technology. It is important to arrange a field supervisor who has the work experience and knowledge about the construction management and the field-oriented construction management system.

抄録全体を表示

Recent studies of the late medieval villages have tended to concentrate on samurai status rather than village commoners. This paper is a case study of a village called Suganoura-sosho, in which the samurai rank did not exist. The author shows the process of the formation of the so (or sosho; a self-governing communal organization in medieval villages) from the Kamakufa through the Muromachi period. Suganoura's village code of 1302 was written in the form known as ansho. Ansho is a document testifying to debt repayment which the creditor handed over to the debtor in the case of the original note being dedtroyed, etc. From this code, we know that the village koro rank (elders selected from among the main residents) in Suganoura financed the cost of a lawsuit brought by the resident or ganization of Suganoura. Next, the author surveys the transformation of the village resident composition. (1)In the 13th century, Suganoura consisted of two ranks, hon-kugonin (original residents, who had acquired the privilege of suppliing food to the emperor) and sinka-no-kugonin (new residents, who had not officially acquired the privilege of kugonin). (2)In the 14th century, all the residents had acquired the rank and the privilege of kugonin, and the so organization had come into existence. (3)In the 15th century, the representatives of Suganoura were twenty elders called otona, who were selected from among all the households (called zaike) in the village. The sosho (or so) organization was administrated by these otona. In the early 14th century, a dispute arose between Suganoura and neighboring Oura-no-sho, Each zaike, in Suganoura shared the costs of the lawsuit on a Per capita basis, and the residents' organization began to draw up and collect documents pertaining to the lawsuit. The origin of the so organization can be traced back to this time. Finally, the author investigates the zaike-yaku (zaike dues) imposed in Suganoura. In the early 14th century, a principal had been established that each zaike bore its dues on a per capita basis. (1)Ushiro-zaike (zaike in retreat) were exempted from zaike-yaku. (2)Zaike of widows and others in poor economic situations were partly exempted from zaike-yaku. The author asserted that the Suganoura's code of munabetsu (a cash tax levied on each house) was established not by Suganoura-sosho but, by the Azai family, the feudal lord of Suganoura.

抄録全体を表示

近年の村落論では、中世後期における「村請」の一般的成立という見解に対する見直しが図られており、「(じげうけ)」・「百姓請」などのように明確なかたちでは結実しなかったものも含めた、村共同体の年貢収納・算用への関与の実態把握が求められている。
　そこで本稿では、史料に恵まれる東寺領山城国上久世荘を取り上げ、村の指導層たる年寄の年貢収納・算用への関与や、その支配体制上の位置づけについて考察を加えた。
　まず、先行研究で注目されていた「沙汰人(さたにん)」の成立過程を段階的に跡づけた。「沙汰人」とは、荘官公文(くもん)の代行的職務を担う百姓のことである。とくに応永年間おける公文の職務放棄や「荘家(しょうけ)の一揆」の展開といった支配の危機のなかで、村の年寄たちが公文に代わる支配の担い手として東寺から注目されたことが、「沙汰人」成立の重要な契機となったことを指摘した。そうした年寄の「沙汰人」化は、彼らの年貢収納・算用をはじめとする荘務への関与が、限定的ながらも領主によって公認され、支配体制に位置づけられたことを示していると評価した。
　つぎに、その後の「沙汰人」の支配体制上における役割についても考察を加えた。上記のような非常事態下で成立した「沙汰人」は、通常時においても役割を与えられており、とくに公文（公文代）に対する牽制や職務の補完が求められていた。さらに、「沙汰人」は公文交代の端境期などといった、公文（公文代）が十分に職務を果たせない時期において、一時的にその職務を代行していた。そのような彼らの職務代行は、通常時においては観察することの困難な、村共同体やその指導層の年貢収納・算用への関与が顕在化したものと評価できることを述べた。
　最後に、そのような構造が変化する一六世紀前半の展開について検討を行った。文亀元（一五〇一）年には当荘の半分が武家領化されるという支配再編が起き、東寺は公文や代官といった既存の支配の担い手を設置できなくなった。そのため東寺は、なお一定の留保を要するものの、一五世紀段階とは異なり、「沙汰人」＝年寄をはじめとする村の代表者たちを正式に年貢収納・算用の担い手として位置づける支配体制を採用したのであった。

抄録全体を表示