日本経済の近代化に大きな影響を与えた北部九州筑豊炭田において、1887 (明治20) 年以降石炭生産量の増大と共に、従来から川ひらたと称する小舟による遠賀川の水運に頼っていた石炭の輸送が隈界に達し、陸運の必要性が高まるにつれて1889 (明治22) 年に筑豊興業鉄道が創立され、1891 (明治24) 年筑豊若松-直方間が開通した、, 以後石炭輸送の産業鉄道として活躍し、1897 (明治30) 年九州鉄道と合併するまで地域の発展に貢献したが、その創立から進展合併までの歩みを交通史としてとりまとめた。

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The plan of constructing the nationwide networks of railways took its concrete shape in the late 1880's. At that time Ukichi Taguchi, who was well known as a liberalistic economist in Japan, attached much imporance to the railway that would link the coast of the Japan Sea to that of the Pacific Ocean (from his treatise, "First of all the projects of all-Japan railway networks should be formed"published in 1889). His suggestion was furthered in the reports publiehed by Tokyo Economic Associationin in 1891, which carried the article "The future railway networks in Japan"written by Kazutsugu Saburi. On the other hand, Meiji Government also had already thought out the same projects as this from a militaristic point of view. Kyoto Railway Company whose line linked Kyoto to Maizuru and to Miyazu,; which were among the most important ports in the coast of Japan Sea, came to occupay an important position upon the whole railway systems in Japan. This article aims at bringing out a feature of the process of constructing nationwide railway networks through analyzing the tendency of that Company and the Government which they showed when the Kyoto Railway was constructed. Firstly, we try to analyze the economic bases of Kyoto Railway Company. According to the document entitled "The report of the investigation of Kyoto-Maizuru Railway" published by Kyoto Chamber of Commerce, this railway had mainly been used for conveying silk fabrics, raw silk and so forth. From this fact we can see that the economic bases for constructing Kyoto Railway was made up through the developmens of the textile industries in Tango province. Secondly, We attempt to analyze the composition of shareholders of Kyoto Railway Company. When this company was established, its shareholders were mostly composed of businessmen in Kyoto and the nobility in Tokyo. But they gradually disappeared from the list of its shareholders, which tells weak financial position of the shareholders in Kyoto. Thirdly, we refer to "the movement for early construction of the Kyoto railway" Kyototesudo sokusei Undo. This projects was encouraged by businessmen in Kyoto. This Company got down to business in 1889 with the 21.68 miles line from Kyoto to Sonobe. But thereafter the Company could not extend its railways at all because of the Meiji Government's railway policy which had been conditioned by a militaristic point of view. So we might conclude that in those days the construction of these rail-ways \+ad under the control of the Meiji Government's railway policy which was fixed for militaristic purposes.

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A lot of research has already accumulated on the 1912-13 political crisis and Katsura Taro's new political party. On the other hand, there is no much research into the movement in the House of Peers. This article aims to make clear movement in the House of Peers, the political process in the House, and also understand the meaning of the Katsura's new political party in parliamentary government history. Part 1 clarifies the political transition from Katsura Taro's resignation in 1911 to the day his formed his new party. As to why he formed his new party, first discord with Yamagata Aritomo began to make it possible for him to lose his own political base altogether. Secondly, the new political party aimed at the establishment of a huge power base across both Houses of the Diet. Part 2 clarifies the relationship between the Katsura's new political party and the House of Peers, by likening it to the change occuring in the two influential groups in the House : the Saiwai Club and the Kenkyukai. An intimate relationship between the new political party and those groups had been maintained throughout Katsura's second cabinet, but it grew worse gradually afterwards. When the Katsura's third cabinet was organized, Oura Kanetake, a leading member at the Saiwai Club and as a Cabinet minister, and his comrades made a request to members of those groups to participate in Katsura's new party. However, Hirata Tosuke, a leading member opposed such a move tendency towards. Finally, nonparticipation became dominate among them over a strong participation at first. In the Kenkyukai, Hirata's request also ended in failure because of counterinfluence mainly formed among younger members. The House of Peers did not participate in the new political party, which shows the permeation of personal views of "hree and unbiased policy" in that aristocratic chamber. However, it seems that the later changes in the House of Peers were caused by the gradual progress of the above movements, like political disagreement between executives of the Saiwai Club and growing power of young members of the Kenkyunkai.

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This paper is an attempt to supplement the present states of the insufficient studies in the power structure in the political history of modern Japan. That is, it is an attempt to elucidate the structure of the Yamagata clan's rule over the House of Peers, which was, beside the Army, one of the most important bases of the clan. Chapter I is to be a basis for the analysis of the structure of the House of Peers. In this chapter, the clarification of the structural characteristics of the parties will be made by analysing the decline of the Konwakai parties-both in regard to the titled members and to the imperial nominees in the House. Chapter II is an attempt to elucidate the last period of the Second Katsura Cabinet, in which the system of the Yamagata clan's rule over the House of Peers was reorganized. Part I of this chapter deals with the two parties of Saiwai-Club, which played the major role in the rule by the Yamagata clan. This part not only discusses the nature of "the executive system" (which played a leading part in controling the parties), but also indicates the fact that the Yamagata clan practically ruled and controled both the two parties of Saiwai-Club by organizing the chief members of the executives into an unofficial organization called Jukkin-Kai. This part, in addition, investigates the generational characteristics of the Yamagata clan as a union of officials. Part II of this chapter investigates, with special attention to the viscounts and barons, the development of the Yamagata clan's deal with the titled members. Thus investigating, this part elucidates the fact that the Yamagata clan succeeded both in ruling the viscounts by ensuring its initiative in the Kenkyu-Kai under Mishima's order, and in ruling the barons by absorbing them into the two parties of Saiwai-Club. Also, this part clarifies the main causes of the Yamagata clan's success in ensuring its initiative in the Kenkyu-Kai. Chapter III is an attempt to investigate the divisional nature of the whole structure of the Yamagata clan as well as to explain concretely its centripetal tendency by paying attention to the actual cases in the House of Peers. And lastly, the importance of the House of Peers for the whole of the Yamagata clan is examined by comparing the House and the Privy Council.

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The Saiwai-Club (which consisted mainly of bureaucrats) wielded power in the House of Peers through the Meiji era. The assimilation of the Kenkyukai party (which consisted mainly of peers) helped the process. However, the club's power leclined gradually from the Taisho political crisis to the establishment of the Hara Takashi Cabinet. Why? In this paper, I will discuss the movements of the Saiwai-Club and Kenkyukai party, paying close attention to the sinking fund problem of the early Taisho era. After the Taisho political crisis, the political world was split in two groups: supporters of the Second Okuma Cabinet and its opposition. During the Second Okuma Cabinet regime, leaders of the Saiwai-Club were also split in two biterly opposing groups. At the 37th session of the Diet, they vehemently opposed the government's policy concerning the sinking fund. Though the Second Okuma Cabinet lived on until a half year later, Genro Yamagata Aritomo Suggested its general resignation to mediate both groups and this helped their diminish the tension. Finally, the government and leaders of Saiwai-Club suggested a compromise, and most parties accepted it. However, it did not mean the dispute was solved completely. It often re-emerged in later sessions. In fact the Saiwai-Club declined due to dissent among their leaders. Baron-members in their party particularly tended keep their distance. Leaders of the Kenkyukai party also came to lose their trust, because they did nothing but following the Saiwai-Club party line. Many members (particularly the younger ones) wanted them to leave the Saiwai-Club, resulting in their fall from the leading position. Such a situation made them oppose government policy when the sinking fund problem occurred. They were urged by their leaders to accept compromise at last; but this did not mean that their feelings had changed. They continued to search for the chance to regain party leadership. As they had expected, they did become the new leaders a few years later. Their party came to grow as the Saiwai-Club decayed. As mentioned above, the ruling party changed from the Saiwai-Club to the Kenkyukai party during the Second Okuma Cabinet Period. This important trend laid the foundation for the structure of later governments and had much influence on the political history of the Taisho era itself.

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