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  • 前田 陽次郎
    経済地理学年報
    2021年 67 巻 2 号 69-83
    発行日: 2021/06/30
    公開日: 2022/06/30
    ジャーナル フリー

        長崎県対馬市は韓国との国境地帯に位置する.近年では1999年に対馬釡山間に定期高速船航路が開設されたことを契機に,日韓両国間の人の行き来が増えた.特に韓国からの観光客が多く,2018年には韓国人入国者が年間40万人を越えた.観光客は1999年から2010年までは徐々に増加したものの,年間5~6万人程度で落ち着いていた.その後2011年の原発事故による韓国人の日本旅行客減少を受け,博多釡山間を運航していた会社が,距離が近く運賃が安い対馬に博多から航路を振り替えたことを契機に対馬への入国者が一気に増え,観光関連事業への投資が活発になった.ところが日本政府による韓国への輸出規制厳格化を受け韓国内で起こったボイコットジャパン運動の影響で2019年7月から入国者が激減した.さらに2020年3月にはCOVID-19の感染拡大を受け,韓国から対馬への入国が禁止されたため,入国者数は0になった.対馬の観光業は大きな打撃を受けたが,他産業から観光関連産業への就業者移行は進んでおらず,地元の住民への影響はそれほど大きくなかった.急激な観光客の増大は産業構造の大きな変化は起こさず,観光業を産業の中心に据えたいのであれば,もっと長期的な施策が必要になる.

  • 周辺からの「市民社会」形成の可能性
    古川 浩司
    国際政治
    2012年 2012 巻 169 号 169_16-29
    発行日: 2012/06/30
    公開日: 2014/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The concept of civil society has changed throughout history and across regions: its meaning shifted in Europe from “political society” in the 16th century to “civilized society” in the 18th century, while in 1930s Japan, the concept was understood as “capitalist society.” The current article suggests a new kind of civil society is emerging, a civil society that attempts not only to influence the state in a pro-active manner, but also to transcend the governance framework imposed by the state. It does so by examining local activism in Japan's Boderlands: (1) the Nemuro District (Nemuro City, Betsukai, Shibetsu, Nakashibetsu and Rausu Towns) close to the Northern Territories currently governed by Russia, (2) Wakkanai City near Sakhalin, a Russian territory, (3) Thushima City in close proximity to South Korea, and (4) the Yaeyama District (Ishigaki City, Taketomi and Yonaguni Towns) adjoining Taiwan. Geographically, these regions are all in the periphery, far away from the central government and directly exposed to Japan's neighboring countries. In terms of their politico-economic power as well, they constitute the periphery, to use the language of the World-Systems Theory, while the central and prefectural governments occupy the positions of the core and semi-periphery, respectively.
    Japan's borderlands have been faced with twin economic challenges since the Koizumi government years (2001–2006): on the one hand, they are suffering from reduced supports from the central government (their local governments receive various subsidies in accordance with special measures acts designed to sustain their economic viability), and on the other hand, they are witnessing rapid economic developments in its neighboring countries (Russia, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China). For these borderlands, then, a logical solution for prosperity in this situation is to seek closer economic relationships with the neighboring countries; yet, Japan's national border regulations in the areas of customs, immigration, and quarantine would hinder that. Accordingly, local civil organizations and local governments in the four cases under study are seeking changes in the border regulations set and controlled by the central government. Although technically speaking, local governments could not be part of civil society, in each case under study, the local government and civil organizations operate as one unit, in their common struggle against the central government and its framework of border regulations. Thus, analytically, these cases can be conceptualized as cases of civil society.
    By highlighting the challenges and struggles of Japan's borderlands, the article opens up a new avenue to revise the concept of civil society, yet once again to reflect the ever-changing realities of citizen politics.
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