The author attempt to look at the way the Tenno dominated the people and society in ancient Japanese through a study of the Kuraryo (内蔵寮), the royal finance office, that existed before the ritsuryo (律令) regime was set up in Japan and was included in the ritsuryo bureaucracy. The allocating function of the Kuraryo had two characteristic features. The first is when the Tenno ordered the Okurasho (大蔵省) to allocate something, it was necessary to issue a document called Daijokanpu (太政官符). On the other hand, in the case of expenditures from the Kuraryo, the personal will of the Tenno was carried out directly under the provision of Ho-kuchoku-sakumotsu (奉口勅索物 : spoken orders of Tenno requiring some material or other) without passing through the Daijokan (太政官) or the Nakatsukasasho (中務省). The second has to do with items of expenditure. The Tenno bestowed government officials with gyofuku (御服) stored in the Kuraryo (clothing originally belonging to the Tenno) at sechie (節会: seasonal court banquets), or offers up mitekura (幣 : clothing for shrines) from the Kuraryo at shrine festivals, etc. These facts show that the Kuraryo contributed to uniting the governing classes through the giving of gyofuku, uniting the common people in shrine festivals, through the medium of the personality of Tenno. This is in marked contrast to the Okurasho, which unified the state financially through the medium of abstract and bureaucratic organs. Generally, state unity in ancient Japan is maintained by both bureaucratic organs and the personality of Tenno. Not only Kuraryo but also other domestic offices of the Tenno belonging to the Nakatsukasasho (中務省) and Kunaisho (宮内省) played important roles in the Tenno's personal role. In the Nara period, such functions of personal unification covered a wide range of state authority in spite of its diffuse and temporary nature. But in the early Heian period, especially the Konin era, it came to the surface in the state systems under a changed form. For example, from that times, gifts to government officials at sechie gatherings changed from gyofuku in the Kuraryo to clothing in the Okurasho in the form of allowances. On the other hand, gyofuku in the Kuraryo was given symbolically to officials only a sechie held on New Years Day, or was limited to upper-class aristocrats closely related to the Tenno at naien (内宴 : January inner court banquet) and rinji-en (臨時宴 : temporary banquets). These facts show that the whole bureaucracy as a governing classes was reorganized through the medium of abstract laws and institutions, and only upperclass aristocrats were united through the personality of the Tenno. The same phenomena are observed in hobei (offering of clothes) from the Kuraryo to shrines of clans related to Tenno by blood and to tombs of former Tennos. Nevertheless, considering hobei from Kuraryo for shrine festivals like the Kamo-no-matsuri (賀茂祭) established in the early Heian period, it was still necessary to create fields in which the personality of the Tenno was dominant in order to make the people recognize the legitimacy that the Tenno is authority, though rule impersonal bureaucratic domination was becoming more and more dominant during that time.

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The purpose of this paper is to consider the relation between architecture and Shinto-ceremonies in the Hinokuma-Kunikakasu-jingu main shrine, according to an old manuscript written in 1399,the "Hinokumagu-Nenju-Shinjiki". But with respect to many ceremonies,this manuscript does not mention the place and the movement of Shinto-priests,and so one can not understand the definite significance of some ceremonies.For the reasons stated above, it is difficult to suppose the correct conclusion. Therefore,at the end of this paper,a hypothesis about the axis of shrine is postulated.

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Among buildings, which belong to Shintoism, the Haiden (worshipping house) is most characteristic, especially from the viewpoint of theory of architectural space. Most Shinto-shrines of the recent ages, except for very small ones, has necessarily its Haiden, which stands at the forecourt of shrine itself and is used for the place of priests or worshippers. But the origin of Haiden has been obscure hitherto. So, I traced it. The oldest document which used the word "Haiden" is the governmential notification concerning Shinto-buildings dated A.D. 771. But that the notification should be a forgery is decisive today. When we eliminate it from the problem, we can scarcely find out any Haiden on documents from ninth to eleventh century. We find, however, the word "Raiden" (saluting house) instead of it. I cite ten examples of Raiden, and eight of them belonged to Shinto-shrines and two belonged to Buddhist tombs. Functions of the Raiden seem to be same as that of Haiden, and, furthermore, as that of the "Raido" (saluting hall) which was frequently attached to Buddhist temples of contemporary and antecedent periods. And, generally, Shinto-shrines which possessed Raidens had been strongly influenced by Buddhism. So, I presume that the Raiden in Shintoism was a transperence from Raido in Buddhism. We find the word "Haiden", for the first time, on a document of the end of eleventh century. And I cite seventeen examples of Haiden from documents of twelfth century, and, thereafter, the word has been used more frequently as everybody knows. The word Haiden of twelfth century, concerning some of above examples, was new name for old Raiden. But it was, concerning other examples, another name of "Maidono" (dance house), which had been a pavillion with no wall standing independently at the forecourt of the Shinto-shrine since about ninth century. Growth and supplanting of another name "Haiden" were, surely, caused by popularization of indoor rites in Shintoism. So, we can conclude that the Haiden came into existence consisting of two antecedents, e.i. the Raiden and the Maidono, about in eleventh or twelfth century.

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The three Kumano shrines are Kumano-niimasu Shrine (also called Hongu), Kumano-hayatama Shrine (also called Shingu) and Kumano-nachi Shrine (also called Nachi). Three shrines stand approximately facing south. The arrangement of these shrines was drawn by Ippen Shonin in 1299. As a result of investigating records of the early half of the twelfth century, I think that the arrangement of buildings at the "Hongu" and "Shingu" which were drawn by him can be traced back to the Iatter half of Heian Period. However, in the case of the Nachi Shrine as drawn by Ippen the number of shrine buildings is increased to five. Possibly this is different from the original arrangement. The placement of the gods and goddesses was apparently not changed as their locations are the same in all three shrines. Specially the goddess Musubishin (also called Himegami) inhabits the westside of the largest shrine while Hayatamashin is enshrined on the eastside. The middle building is occupied Ketsumiko. Beyond doubt, these gods have inhabited the same areas since the Heian period. However, the next building in which Wakamiyaoji is now enshrined may have been otherwise during the Heian Period. This is not clear. Contents of this thesis are as follows : I. On the Arrangement of the Three Kumano Shrines. I-1. On the Arrangement of the Kumano-niimasu Shrine (Hongu). I-2. On the Scale of the Kumano-niimasu Shrine. II. On the Arrangement of the Kumano-hayatama Shrine (Shingu). III. On the Arrangement of the Kumano-nachi Shrine (Nachi). IV. Conclusion.

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In recent years, the study of Shinto神道priests on the local level has progressed under the historical concept of "social status periphery".Using this concept, historians of the Tokugawa Period have shown a relative instability in the status of Shinto priests in conparison to Buddhist monks, who played the predominate religios role during the period.In an attempt to further clarify such a line of argument, the present paper looks into the organization of Shinto priests in the province of Aki, a region overwhelmingly dominated by the Buddhist Shin Pure Land Sect.For Shinto priests on the social status periphery, one way of escaping such social instability was to organize under the patroage of such influential families as the Yoshidas吉田 and thus ensure their social position.However, intervention by the Yoshida family in the affairs of local Shinto priests was by no means always welcome.On the occasion of the dispatch of agents to adron the shrines of Hiroshima Feud with heihaku幣帛 symbols of worship, the Yoshida family took the opportunity to install purification deputies(注連没頭)in each district for the purpose of registering local Shinto priests.However, such a policy was ineffective due to a lack of organization among the priests in the region.A similar opportunity was presented in 1804 for the Yoshida family to intervene, designed to influence the region for a long time to come.This took advantage of the holding of ceremonies, called kokuonsai国恩祭, for the first time in Hiroshima Feud.They were events that gathered the Shinto priests of each locality together to play for the health and safty of the feudal lordout of gratitude for his benevolence.Such gatherings helped nurture a sense of solodarity and organization among local priests and thus enabled the Yoshida family's intervention of the early 1880s to have a more lasting effect on the region than in the 1740s.The paper concludes that the act of Shinto ritually repaying the feud for its kindness clearly a conscious attempt they were suffering.

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Kashima Jingu Shrine is one of the oldest Shinto Shrines in Ibaragi prefecture. "Takemikazuchi-no-kami", the god of war of the Yamato dynasty, is enshrined there. In old times, "Kashima-no-ohkarai", the god of water and agriculture in the Province of "Hitachi", was enshrined there. The buildings are located along two axes. One axis passes through the "Hon-den", the "Hai-den" and the "Niji-raon". The second axis goes across the "Kari-dono" and the"Ro-mon". The compound is composed of three areas. The first part is for "Kashima-no-ohkami", the second part is for "Takemikazuchi-no-kami", and the third part is for both of them.

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Concerning shinto-related institutions under the Ritsuryo system represented by the custom of state-supported shrines, it has been the conventional opinion that from the late eighth century, as the Ritsuryo codes were more loosely implemented and substantial changes in local communities came about, the Shinto Bureau (jingikan 神祇官) and its authority declined. However, this way of thinking ignores the fact that the number of state-supported shrines were actually increasing from the late eighth century and fails to take into consideration the problem of the hanpei 班幣 system, under which materials for festivals (heihaku 幣帛) were allocated to the shrines. It is true, however, that l) the state shrine system of the eighth century lacked efficacy in its ideal or expressed purpose of carrying out state-supported festivals in honor of both Japan's heavenly and indigenous deities and 2) the number of state shrines were limited. However, from the middle of that century the number of state-supported shrines began to increase with the further development of local governance institutions under the Ritsuryo system, a set of conditions that forced a new kind of response by the state. First, there was a strengthening of the hanpei system by the implementation of penalties for shinto priests who failed to appear at the Bureau for the distribution of heihaku to the shrines ; however, in practice such a response was not very effective. During the Enryaku era the Bureau initiated the institution of specially designated shrines (kanpei-kokuhei-sha 官幣国幣社) and deities (myojin 名神) that were placed directly under the management of the Bureau in the Kinai region and under provincial governors (kokushi 国司) in other regions. Under this system, the control of shinto-related personnel was strengthened, and by indirect control through the agency of provincial governors a stronger and more widespread system was created. The provincial governors attempted to strengthen their control over the shrines in their territories through applications for Bureau recognition and heihaku allocations. This strategy was directly related to both the specially designated deity (myojin) and ranked deity shrine (shinkai-sha 神階社) systems. The myojin system was instituted at the about same time as the kanpei-kokuhei-sha system with the purpose of directly controlling a number of shrines that would invoke divine intercession on behalf of the state. However, in the process by which provincial governors were put in charge of local shrine administration, these shrines were also gradually given special status and ranking by governors in their attempt to strengthen their control. What soon developed therefore was the ranked deity srhine system. From the late eighth century the granting of status and ranking to shrines became more and more the fashion, and as a definite hierarchy became established, this custom was welcomed by both provincial governors interested in increasing their administrative control and local powers interested in raising their political status. Soon, with the granting of status to whole blocks of deities (sho-shin-doji-joi 諸神同時叙位). The task of ranking deity shrines became the object of shrine administration. In addition, with the strengthening of control by provincial governors over shrine administration through granting ranked status, deity ranking became a provincial affair in which the central government did not attempt to intervene. This development in the administration of local shrines is closely related to the overall historical development process of the Ritsuryo system.

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Within the recent research done on the Japanese medieval state, a debate has arisen over how to evaluate the Kamakura Bakufu in contrast to the imperial court in Kyoto. If we try to relocate the problem somewhat differently, we end up fundamentally focusing on the question of what is the meaning of "state" in medieval Japan. The present article focuses on contemporary ideology and extraordinary events from the analytical perspective of the relativization of the modern nation-state, in order to trace indicators and characteristic features of the "state" within the Japanese medieval world, within the context of the time-space continuum of premodern East Asia. In concrete terms, the author takes up the political ideology of correlating divine will with human action (tenjin 天人) in connection with extraordinary events, a set of beliefs which originated in China then spread throughout the regions on its periphery, as the ideology developed in Kyoto aristocratic society during the early medieval period, which is a given factor when trying to place the Kamakura Bakufu within context of the state at that time. This tenjin ideology involved understanding the origins of extraordinary events, both favorable and disastrous, as stemming from divine judgement towards corresponding good or bad political governance. What the author terms the "tenjin correlation" can therefore be identified as the fundamental necessary condition for aristocratic organizations responsible for political action and therefore for those political entities of the premodern East Asian world which we conceptualize as "states". Although the research to date has tended to undervalue and de-emphasize the importance of the "tenjin correlation" in the workings of the imperial court in early medieval Kyoto, the author is able to verify the continuing existence of an ideology of causality based on the "tenjin correlation," in particular with respect to extraordinary natural phenomena. That is to say, the idea of such phenomena as crucial events being a characteristic feature of the medieval world is the key to evaluating the early medieval Kyoto imperial court as a "state" within the time-space continuum of premodern East Asia. On the basis of such ideology, the various political responses that were selected and implemented on the occasion of extraordinary natural events can be understood structurally as composed of invocation (exorcism) and public acts of benevolence. The author concludes that the medieval Japanese "state" model can be understood in terms of extraordinary natural events, etc. being ultimately judged as divine punishment for immoral, mistaken political governance on the part of the ruler, and also as a political entity composed of rulers and their counselors responding to the will of heaven with two kinds of human action, acts of expiation and public displays of benevolence. It is within this context that the situation of the Kamakura Bakufu and medieval social structure should be placed.

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In the Arakawa-Shiroku area (located in the City of Chichibu, Saitama Prefecture), there are old kagura (a Shinto-based folk performing arts particular to the location), called "Shinmeishakagura". Because of the lack of documentation, the understanding of kagura's history is difficult. Yadenji Hamanaka (one of the successors of this performance tradition) holds much knowledge of the traditional past. This paper will explain the traditions and shed light on some interesting aspects of kagura. Concerning the understanding of the successors, kagura is known to get its influences from kabuki, and many successors of kagura performance understood this. In the research of this paper, I clarify that kagura contains a very complicated background of influences. This result leads us to the conclusion that there is a stratified structure in the successors' understandings of their art.

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I proved, Mr. Mayashi's thesis of Hachiman-zukuri has many important mistake in this theory.

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