In order to clarify the relationship between mechanical stress and hypertrophy of the yellow ligament, thickness of the ligament in the unstable lumber spine was compared with that in the stable lumber spine. Furthermore collagen ratio and histological findings were obsereved in those two groups. In the unstable group, the ligament was obviously thicker and the collagen ratio was higher than that in the stable group. Fibrocartilaginous cells increased at the enthesis in the unstable group. Therefore mechanical stress seemed to make the ligament hypertrophic. Some authors report that hypertrophy of the ligament is a precursor of ossification, but our study did not prove this.

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This paper discusses the history of agricultural and pastoral development on the Loess Plateau by the Qin-Han Empire in ancient China and its relationship with global climate change. Section 1 examines the pastoralization of the Loess Plateau through the establishment and transformation of the Han Dynasty’s ranch-stable pastoral system, which was originally completed under the Qin during the Warring States period. Section 2 explores the expansion of agricultural land on the Loess Plateau during the reign of Emperor Wu of the Western Han, focusing on the New Frontier (Xin Qinzhong) projects and their failure in the Hetao Plain. This failure triggered by flooding in the lower reaches of the Yellow River, ultimately led to a shift toward oasis development in the Hexi Corridor. Section 3 examines the development of agricultural lands on the Qinghai Plateau during the Eastern Han period, the pastoralization of the northern Loess Plateau because Qiang and Xiongnu migration, and the expansion of agricultural lands in the Wuding River basin. This indicates that the proximity of agricultural and pastoral settlements was one of the factors in 2nd century AD rebellions and conflicts. Section 5 presents a model of the relationship between the development of the Loess Plateau and climatic change in the following four phases: 1) The hypsithermal interval (5000 BC–3000 BC) and the 4.2 ka climate event (2400 BC–1800 BC); 2) a drying climate and the social changes from the Spring and Autumn period to the Warring States period and the establishment of the Qin Empire (BC 5C–BC 3C); 3) a warm and humid climate and the expansion of the Han Empire (BC 2C–AD 1C); and finally, 4) cold weather and the fall of the Han Empire (AD 2C–).

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Thanks to the scholarly efforts of Yan K'eng-wang (厳耕望), the general outline of the shang-shu-sheng system in the Northern Wei Period is now available. In my opinion, however, there are several debatable points in Professor Yan's analysis, the points which I will deal with in this paper. The discussion will consist of three sections, each briefly stating Professor Yan's view, followed by my comments. (1)After its creation during the reign of the First Emperor, Tao-wu-ti (道武帝), the shang-shu-sheng alternated between periods of abolishment and restoration. In the second year of T'ien-hsing (天興) (399 A.D.) the shang-shu-sheng was abolished only to be revived immediately, perhaps at the end of the following year. After that, it was never completely abolished. The annals of the second year of T'ien-tz'u (天賜) (405 A.D.) record that "(the work of) the shang-shu's 36 ts'ao (曹) is discontinued." But that did not mean the end of the entire sheng system. (2)During the reign of the next emperor, Ming-yuan-ti (明元帝), the system was totally abolished. We can infer that the shang-shu-sheng existed in the reign of Ming-yuan-ti. One important piece of evidence is the fact that the Eight ta-jen-kuan (大人官), which Professor Yan believes were established in order to serve as substitutes for the shang-shu, never performed those kind of duties. Another piece of evidence is the fact that there were at least five appointees to the shang-shu during Ming-yuan-ti's reign, in spite of Professor Yan's statement that he was unable to discover any appointees for this period. The number of appointees was not lower at this time than at the reign of Tao-wu-ti. And, of course, the shang-shu was in existence from the outset of the reign of T'ai-wu-ti (太武帝), the Third Emperor. (3)Between the time of T'ai-wu-ti and the first half of the reign of the Sixth Emperor, Hsiao-wen-ti (孝文帝), the shang-shu-lang (尚書郎) was abolished in its entirety and replaced by the offices of ta-fu (大夫), ling (令), and chang (長). Since there was the "shuang-kuei (双軌) system" in the Northern Wei Period, one can imagine that ta-fu, ling, chang, and shang-shu-lang existed side by side. It is not possible, I believe, to deny this claim only with the evidences presented by Professor Yan. This paper also touches on the ta-jen-kuan of the Northern Wei Period, the topic closely related to the arguments mentioned above.

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Concerning the "Bazhuguo 八柱国", lauded for their distinguished service to the Western Wei Dynasty, the end of chapter 16 of the Zhoushu 周書 mentions that these official posts were established in AD 550 (Datong 大統 16). Occupying the top position among the seven Zhuguo-dajianjun 柱国大将軍 other than the Northern Zhou's Wendi YuwenTai 文帝宇文泰 was the Tang imperial ancestor LiHu 李虎 ; however, the official posts of Taiwei 太尉, Shangshu-zuopushe 尚書左僕射, and Longyou-xingtai 隴右行臺 added here are in conflict with the actual bureaucratic system of the time, showing that they were added by later editors. The Western Wet modeled its bureaucracy after the Zhouli 周礼, rather than adopting the former Northern Wei system. The first step in the process, a framework for bureaucratic reform created in the fifth month of 548, abolished Sangong / Erda 三公・二大 in favor of the Liuqing 六卿 system. As a result, the position of Dajiangjun was relegated to a ranked status with no official duties. The post of Taiwei had probably already been abolished, since there is no mention of it as of 550. Furthermore, Shangshu-zuopushe was a much lower position than mentioned, and the existence of Longyou-xingtai cannot be corroborated for that era. Judging from the other posts, the author estimates that the actual position occupied by Lieu among all eight Zhuguo-dajiangjun was seventh, implying that the order was changed during the editing of the Zhoushu. The reordering of the generals can be explained by the fact that Lieu was the imperial ancestor of the Tang Dynasty and that the Zhoushu comes to us from the books selected for imperial perusal at the beginning of the Tang period. After all, it would have been politically incorrect to list the any ancestor of the present emperor second to another. The anomalous bureaucratic posts attributed to the Western Wei probably reflect the system in force at the time that the Zhoushu was edited at the beginning of the Tang period. Here is at least one example showing the necessity for careful critical review of both the narrative, especially concerning the Tang imperial ancestor, and the source materials cited in the Tang period imperial selections.

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張家山二四七号墓出土竹簡の報告書が出版されてから既に二年あまりが経過した。報告書で初めて明らかになった「出土示意図」をもとに、整理小組の行った竹簡の復元を再検討し、出土時の散乱した状況と、報告時の整然とした状況とのギャップを明らかにすることが本稿の目的である。 取り上げたのは『二年律令』の秩律である。秩律を分析した結果、この秩律が最初に成立したのは高祖七年以前であり、以後、数次にわたって官職名・県道名の追加・削除が行われた。追加の際に一定の書式は存在しなかったが、県道名が所轄の郡ごとに書かれていることから、漢初における郡の境域を考察する上で、この秩律は有益である。しかし、四百石を長とする県道官の規定が欠落しているように、出土した秩律が副葬された時点に通行していた秩律の条文すべてではない。常に欠落を想定して扱うことが必要である。

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This paper demonstrates the following:
(1) In the Former Han _??__??_ Period the i _??_ which the common people engaged in as chêng-shuo _??__??_ consisted of the three kinds; kêng-shuo _??__??_ shu-pien _??__??_ and chêng_??_. Kêng-fu_??__??_ which is found in Han-shu Shih-huo-chi _??__??__??__??__??_ means the engagement in the three kinds of i _??_, the period of engagement in each of i _??_ being a month per annum. The people who did not engage in i _??_ paid the government san-pai-wên _??__??__??_ for each of i _??_.
(2) The i _??_ of shu-pien_??__??_ was actually imposed for a year in rotation, as the result of which many cheng-shuo _??__??_ paid san-pai-wen _??__??__??_ to the government without engaging in the i _??_. This i _??_ was also imposed upon male members of families of high-ranking officials.
(3) The chêng-shuo _??__??_ were supplied with living expenses by the government during the period of their engagement in i _??_.
(4) The i _??_ of chêng _??_ was imposed not only upon the common people but also upon low-ranking professional soldiers selected as such from among the common people, who engaged exclusively in the i _??_ of chêng_??_. The common people who engaged in this i _??_ were called wei-shuo _??__??_, while the low-ranking professional soldiers who engaged in this i _??_ were called wei-shih _??__??_, the duties of the latter i _??_ being a high-grade one in comparison with those of the former.
(5) The common people, upon completion of the period of the cheng-shuo's _??__??_ engagement, still engaged in easy i _??_ for some years as hsien-shuo _??__??_.
(6) Elimination of Shu-shuo-ling _??__??__??_ in 167 B. C., i.e. in the 13th year of Emperor Wên-ti _??__??_ in the Han _??_ Dynasty means the lessening of the i _??_ of shu-pien _??__??_ and Chêng_??_, which is related to the intention of moving the common people to the northern borders of territory of the Han _??_ Empire to make them take up garrison duties.

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