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  • 小松 寛
    国際政治
    2012年 2012 巻 168 号 168_58-73
    発行日: 2012/02/29
    公開日: 2014/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    Previous studies of Okinawa's restoration to Japan have explored Japan-U.S. relations while paying little attention to relations between Japan and Okinawa. However, this approach assumes that Okinawa was simply an object in the negotiating process for its reversion to Japan, and not a subjective actor. Accordingly, this paper is concerned with negotiations between Japan and Okinawa in order to clarify the part played by the latter. I shall focus on visits to Tokyo made by Chobyo Yara, Executive Chief of the Ryukyu Government, to meet with Japanese Government officials including Prime Minister Eisaku Sato and Foreign Minister Kiichi Aichi. In particular, this paper deals with “homeland level status”, a term used in their discussions to define the conditions for Okinawa's reversion.
    Japanese officials made frequent mention of their expectation that U.S. military bases would be reduced and consolidated after Okinawa's reversion, just as they had seen the removal of military bases after Japan's independence in 1952. This reveals an evident analogy between the restoration of Japanese sovereignty and the restoration of Okinawan administrative rights. However, the reality that several U.S. military bases were moved from Japan to Okinawa, which came under U.S. direct control, was ignored: a fact which reveals a significant flaw in the Japanese Government's logic.
    Throughout their negotiations, the Ryukyu Government made persistent claims for “immediate, unconditional and total” reversion, to which the Japanese Government repeatedly answered that reversion would bring Okinawa to “homeland level status”. These negotiations offered no room for manoeuvre to the Ryukyu Government, who was powerless in decisions regarding the restoration of administrative rights to Okinawa. Yara therefore sought to justify Okinawan peoples' demand for “immediate, unconditional and total” reversion using three key arguments: that politically, as Executive Chief, Yara represented the consensus of Okinawan opinion; that nationally, Okinawa should be reunited with Japan; and, that Okinawa's aspiration for peace would be secured by the “democratic and peaceful” Japanese Constitution.
    On the Okinawan side, the reversion movement is said to have developed from resistance to military occupation and its aim was the complete removal of military bases. However, Okinawa had already been positioned as a keystone of the U.S. military within the U.S.-Japan security treaty structure even before its reversion. In this sense, it is logically doubtful that Okinawa's reversion to Japan could have led to the clearance of military bases. Hence, such expectations held by Yara and pro-reversion supporters may be considered contradictory.
    To understand the “Okinawan Problem” as it exists today, it is necessary to consider the history of both Japan-U.S. and Japan-Okinawa relations. To that end, it is critical to problematise Japan and Okinawa's historical relationship.
  • 七〇年安保前後の東京と沖縄
    村井 良太
    年報政治学
    2017年 68 巻 2 号 2_122-2_148
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2020/12/26
    ジャーナル フリー

    1960年代から1970年代の日本では保守長期政権下にもかかわらず 「革新自治体」 が全国に広がった。ここでは事例研究の一方法である政治史を用いて, 佐藤栄作政権 (1964 ~ 1972) が革新自治体の隆盛にどう向き合ったのかを, 特に重視された東京都と琉球政府/沖縄県に注目して分析した。明らかになったのは, 第一に, 保守中央政府・陣営も革新地方政府・陣営もともに日米安保条約が再検討期を迎える1970年を重視していた。第二に, 同じく双方とも, 政治・行政の科学化と社会開発を共通目標としていた。第三に, 佐藤政権は予想される70年安保や沖縄返還という困難な課題と向き合う中で革新地方政府を地域住民の代表として彼らと協働した。そして第四に, 革新自治体は複合的性格を持っており, 1970年以降, ローカル・オポジションの拠点から市民参加や自治体改善運動の場へと変化していった。

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