This article expands some historical perspectives on “popular sport” based on the following three case studies: (1) Interactions between foreign sport and rural sumo wrestling in the village of Shiojiri, Nagano prefecture, during the Taisho Democracy Period. (2) The historical development of traditional Japanese boat racing in the area known as Tamaeura in Hagi, Yamaguchi prefecture. (3) Modern reconstruction of folklore and physical competition following the agrarian revolt known as the “Chichibu Jiken” in Saitama prefecture in 1884.
Having to compete with festive folklore, the main emphasis of physical education and sport in modern Japan was placed on civilization and enlightenment. Thus, the establishment aimed to develop thrifty and hard-working citizens who served the state and capital. However, there were moments when opposition, deviation and autonomy occurred in the daily lives of the masses, and it was clear that they could not be controlled unitarily. For the masses, traditional physical competition and sport were not only hobbies, forms of entertainment or means of improving self-discipline or physique, but also provided a medium for expressing their desire for solidarity and social growth.
What is “popular sport”? It is not a solid cultural entity but a complete panorama of physical competition and sport from the viewpoint of the masses. The “history of popular sport” aims to analyze and represent this phenomenon historically in relation to the total sphere of daily life. In such research, the concept of the masses has significance in terms of “method”, “standpoint” and “strategy”.

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消費行動と購買行動は明確に異なっているにもかかわらず、マーケティングの領域において、消費者行動論は主にブランド選択に焦点を当てるミクロな観点から研究されてきた。その結果、消費者行動論では個々人の短期的な購買行動に議論が集中してきたといえる。このことに関する批判はこれまでにもなされているが、具体的な代替案を、特に消費者行動論独自の問題設定という観点から論じることが本稿の目的である。
この代替案としては、集団としての消費者の消費行動そのものを歴史的視点から眺めるという作業が考えられるが、このような視座が経済学や社会学といった関連学問と異なった独自の問題を取り扱うために、マーケティングにおける市場問題の重要性を論じている。

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　小論は「教育と責任」の問題を，学校・教師と親とが教育をめぐってどのような応答・責任関係を構成するのかという課題として，3・11大震災・原発事故とそれに続く状況の中で考察したものである。
　「落第のない義務教育学校」や「献身的教師像」は日本の学校文化・教員文化の特徴であると考えられる。そこには学校と教師が，子どもを学校で教育する責任を積極的に引き受ける〈前面性〉があり，それを回路に個々の学校と教師は，子ども・親から「信頼・権威」を調達して，元来難しい近代学校教育の仕事を，何とか乗り切って来た。それは不安定さをはらむ「学校・教師と親との関係構成」を安定化するのに寄与したものと分析した。
　戦後日本の社会変化の中では，上のような伝統的関係構成にもいくつかの再編があったと考える。それを「学校・教師の黄金時代」から過渡期を経て，第Ⅲ期（90年代半ば〜今日）の「学校・教師の困難と教育改革」時代へという展開として記述した。Ⅲ期では伝統的な〈前面性〉が，信頼・権威調達回路から，逆に個々の学校・教師が，学校教育への不信・不満・非難の矢面に立つ関係構成へという転化が生じた。その〈前面性〉が衝立になって，責任ある教育官僚機構はその陰で非難を免れ「公正なる改革者」として登場して，親・国民からの学校・教師への非難を追い風に次々と学校・教員制度改革を進行させている。
　それらが学校と教師をいっそう圧迫する現状が好ましくないとすれば，どんな関係構成の再編があり得るだろうか。一つは親と教師・学校の「相互非難関係」から「困難の相互共有関係」への可能性として，もう一つは「押しつければ改革成功」とする評価方式を「第三者による教育政策・改革のアセスメント」方式の必要性として，大震災と続く状況下でそれらが試されている点を考察した。

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This paper critically analyzes how the contemporary ‘sociology of culture’ (youth culture theory, media culture theory and consumerism theory, etc.), which have been developed in the postmodern era (1980s), have fallen into a self-alienated situation. The ‘sociology of culture’, whether it is ‘postmodern sociology’ in the 1980s or ‘cultural studies’ in the 1990s that criticized postmodern sociology, both postulated that culture is often alienated from the everyday life of people. In contrast, this author insists that in principle culture should be recognized as a self-alienated activity. Not only do human beings follow their everyday lives as they are but they also desire to enjoy more pleasurable things. Therefore human beings voluntarily destroy and reconstruct their everyday lives. Recognition that culture is a self-alienated activity opens up new possibilities for cutting through cultural estrangement.

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This article traces some trajectories of social and cultural geography since the end of the 1980s to the early 2000s and attempts to explain how the geography of materiality has become a matter in current Anglophone geography, especially in the United Kingdom. Although the new cultural geography of Japan redefines social and cultural geography and focuses on discursive practices and representations, in Japan there is low awareness of discussions on post-humanism, which is a topic in Anglophone geography. Anglophone geography consists of topics such as materiality, performativity, complexity theory, and actor-network theory. There is no paper in the Japanese or English literature in Japan that discusses such topics. Hence, this article attempts to establish a framework to facilitate the discussion of topics such as those mentioned above.

To begin with, the process of development of the new cultural geography is detailed in order to review the questions raised towards the end of the 1980s on both sides of the Atlantic. The new social and cultural geography has progressed beyond the conventional understanding of culture, which is sustained by traditional cultural geography, stressing the complex relation between culture, economy and politics, and has also served to underline the crisis in geographical representations associated with anthropological discussions. In this consideration, moral geography, which forms webs of ideologies through space, place, and landscape, is examined. There have been criticisms of the new cultural geography, of which a problem of reification of the idea of culture is noted here. However, the controversy around this criticism seemingly still retains a problem of metaphysics, and rigidly assumes the existence of ‘subject’ and ‘object’. Phil Crang’s paper that intends to combine the cultural aspect with economic geography implies the idea of culture and economy as something performed. It states that there is no linearity or predetermined harmony among cultural, economic and political practices. This point of view was amplified in some lines of discussions in the late 1990s.

Second, theoretical frameworks for performativity, hybridity, ethics, non-representational theory, complexity theory, and actor-network theory are outlined in this essay. The power of things, women, nature, etc. that have been objectified is included as these discussions revolve around the issue of western metaphysics which continually attempts to establish a rigid division between the subject and the object. The distinction has been always/already mediated by the corporeal. The traces left by the corporeal or things reveals the impossibility of the execution of the project of western metaphysics. Ethics are centered, instead of moral geography, to grasp the entanglement of humans and non-humans.

Third, criticism of the material turn that occurred at the end of the 1990s is studied. The discussion on materiality became a critical vehicle to overcome the weakness of verbal analysis. Mike Crang’s papers on heritage show that materiality emerges in various practices and affects people’s memories. Materiality is not only an issue of matter. Subsequently, there is reference to a controversy between Daniel Miller, who influenced the material turn in geography, and Michel Callon, who proposed the actor-network theory. It demonstrates how Miller is captured by the classic Hegelian/Marxist concept: Miller assumes the linearity of ideology in a market and the predominance of the subject over the object. It is, therefore, understandable that some geographers were accused of continuing to retain Hegelian beliefs, i. e., the belief that there is a binary relation between subject/object, spirit/thing, and human/nature.

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