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  • オリエント
    1996年 39 巻 2 号 e1
    発行日: 1996年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宮廷の季節移動と首都
    近藤 信彰
    オリエント
    2005年 48 巻 2 号 66-86
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this article is to examine the relations between the early Qajars and Tehran, their capital.
    The development of Tehran undeniably began in the late eighteenth century, when the city was established as the capital under the Qajars. However, the relations between the early Qajars and the city have never been discussed completely. In addition, even the exact dates of the establishment of Tehran as the capital and the beginning of the Qajar rule over Iran have never been correctly mentioned in previous studies. On the other hand, some researchers claim, in the absence of substantial evidence, that since the Qajars originally belonged to Turkish tribal groups, they did not have much interest in urban areas.
    The main points regarding the relations between the early Qajars and Tehran are as follows:
    1. Aqa Mohammad Shah chose Tehran as his capital in the spring of 1785, when he entered the city. He brought with him artisans and builders from Esfahan to build his palace. He also brought his family from Mazandaran to Tehran. He was crowned in the spring of 1796 in Tehran, and started issuing his royal decrees after the Safavid form, which means he was enthroned as legitimate ruler of Iran.
    2. It is true that the early Qajar court indulged in seasonal travels, mainly staying in Tehran during winter. However, unlike the Mongols, they spent two-thirds of the year in the capital. They always stayed in Tehran for the important occasion of Nowruz —the Iranian new year—and celebrated it by holding a ceremony. Only twice in forty-eight years did they hold this ceremony in other places. The ceremony was based on the legend of Jamshid, the legendary Iranian king. The Qajars initiated this custom and were succeeded by the Pahlavis.
  • Nobuaki KONDO
    Orient
    2002年 37 巻 49-64
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2008/03/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 嶋本 隆光
    史学雑誌
    1984年 93 巻 5 号 867-870
    発行日: 1984/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小牧 昌平
    史学雑誌
    1986年 95 巻 5 号 879-882
    発行日: 1986/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 後藤 絵美
    史学雑誌
    2007年 116 巻 5 号 907-911
    発行日: 2007/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • Kazuyuki KUBO
    Orient
    2003年 38 巻 135-152
    発行日: 2003年
    公開日: 2008/03/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 三浦 徹
    史学雑誌
    1989年 98 巻 5 号 907-911
    発行日: 1989/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山口 昭彦
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 5 号 929-933
    発行日: 1999/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 飯塚 正人
    史学雑誌
    1998年 107 巻 5 号 965-969
    発行日: 1998/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 近藤 信彰
    オリエント
    1998年 41 巻 1 号 125-140
    発行日: 1998/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The coup d'état of 1791 is one of the well-known episodes in Iranian History. Hajji Ebrahim, the mayor (kalantar) of Shiraz, revolted against the Zand ruler, Lotf 'Ali Khan, and took Shiraz, the capital, away from him. After ten months, Hajji Ebrahim handed over Shiraz to Aqa Mohammad Khan Qajar, and contributed to his triumph over the Zands.
    However, why Hajji Ebrahim could carry out the coup d'état? He was only the mayor, which was not a military office. And why could he repulse the attacks of the Zand army during ten months? Little is known about these questions. The purposes of this paper are to investigate his origin, his career, and the process of the coup, and to reconsider its character on the basis of contemporary sources. Main arguments are following:
    1. The ancestors of Hajji Ebrahim were merchants and probably converts from Judaism. Though he was not a man of noble origins, nor a Sayyed, he was appointed to the kalantar because of his skills in administration.
    2. His brothers were commander of musketeers corps of Shiraz after the death of Karim Khan and took part in some military expeditions. Hajji Ebrahim and his brother intervened in conflicts for the successions of the Zands with musketeers corps, and assumed great prominence in the Zand government.
    3. While the coup d'état of 1791 was also carried out with musketeers corps, Hajji Ebrahim was allied with other notables of other districts in Fars, and they planned to form a ‘federative government’ and refused to submit to any sovereign at first, though they were forced to accept the rule of the Qajars at last.
    4. It is concluded that Hajji Ebrahim had same characteristics as the other local powers in Iran, though his rule over Shiraz was over after the nine months. And the success of the coup shows the fact that local powers grew strong enough to upset the dynasty.
  • 山岸 智子
    史学雑誌
    1997年 106 巻 5 号 963-968
    発行日: 1997/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小牧 昌平
    オリエント
    1998年 41 巻 1 号 176-182
    発行日: 1998/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • オリエント
    1989年 32 巻 2 号 145-163
    発行日: 1989年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1988年 97 巻 6 号 1140-1156
    発行日: 1988/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小牧 昌平
    オリエント
    1988年 31 巻 1 号 34-50
    発行日: 1988/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    After Mohammad Hasan Khan was killed in 1759, his eldest son, Aqa Mohammad Khan, was kept in Shiraz under the control of Karim Khan Zand. When his younger brother, Hosein Qoli Khan, came from Qazvin to Shiraz to meet his brother, Karim Khan appointed him the ruler of Damghan and sent him there in 1769. Damghan was not so far from his father's former domain of Astarabad and Mazandaran. These two districts were now governed by the persons responsible for his father's death, so he began to take actions against them.
    According to the sources written in the Zand period, Hosein Qoli Khan's field of activity was restricted to Mazandaran only, but we cannot agree with them for several reasons. Qajar sources relate his conquests of the Astarabad districts in detail, so it is reasonable to consider that his conquest extended to both the Astarabad and Mazandaran districts according to these sources. His conquest went smoothly in spite of several Zand expeditions, but he was assassinated in 1777.
    In Shiraz, Karim Khan intensified his observation of Aqa Mohammad Khan after Hosein Qoli Khan rose in revolt. So, Aqa Mohammad Khan escaped from Shiraz to Astarabad immediately after the Karim Khan's death in 1779. After his return to Astarabad, Aqa Mohammad Khan inherited Hosein Qoli Khan's former sphere of influence and pushed forward the establishment of the Qajar dynasty. It is thereby possible to estimate that Hosein Qoli Khan's revolt played an important role in the establishment of the Qajar dynasty.
  • 史学雑誌
    1987年 96 巻 12 号 1924-1940
    発行日: 1987/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 水田 正史
    オリエント
    1993年 36 巻 1 号 89-106
    発行日: 1993/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this article is to clarify the banking and settlement of accounts on foreign trade in Tabriz in the Qajar period and thereby to find out where Iran should be placed in the world economy.
    In the period when an Anglo-Greek merchant bank, Ralli Brothers, engaged in importing British cotton manufactures and exporting raw silk at Tabriz, there were closely-correlated flows of commodities among Iran (Tabriz), Russia (Odessa, the Caucasus), and Britain, Russian gold and silver coins being used in paymant for these flows of commodities.
    Around the middle of 1860's, the silk exports dropped sharply owing to the muscadine disease. In addition, the country was hard hit by the great famine of 1870-71. As a result, many commercial houses, amongst others that of Ralli Brothers, were forced to withdraw from Iran. It was in this period that the references to the scarcity of money and the prohibition against the exportation of Iranian coin first attested in the series of British consulars' reports from Tabriz which this article is mainly based on. Therefore it may be inferred that the banking and settlement of accounts on foreign trade in Tabriz was at a turning point then.
    Another turning point can be found around 1878. A British consul-general reported in August, 1879 that the scarcity of money had forced European merchants to import bar silver from England to Tabriz destined for the Imperial Mint at Tehran. In 1877 B. F. Pechan, an Austrian official, had arranged the Mint establishment at Tehran with modern machinary. The coinage was then reformed. In 1879 an Iranian merchant and banker, Hajj Mohammad Hasan-e Esfahani, was granted custodianship of the Mint. He soon flooded the country with copper coins.
    After this second turning point, the scarcity of money still continued to be felt at Tabriz. Almost all the cash was in the hands of the sarrafs, or (petty) bankers. They frequently took an undue advantage of their position, inflicting heavy loss upon the commercial community of Tabriz.
    The above-mentioned British consul-general expressed his expectation in his report for the year 1887-88 that a British overseas bank, New Oriental Bank Corporation, Ltd., scheduled to open a branch at Tabriz, would correct the commercial and financial deficiencies.
  • 史学雑誌
    1993年 102 巻 2 号 296-320
    発行日: 1993/02/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ジャワ語の中のアラビア語借用語
    小林 寧子
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1993年 1993 巻 22 号 95-121
    発行日: 1993/06/01
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    It has long been accepted in academic circles that after the first wave of Islamization in Java, Muslim society became rather stagnant until the rise of the Modern Islamic Movements at the beginning of this century. Such a view overlooks the dynamism of Islam, and has contributed to creating the image of a “superficially Islamized Java”. However, if we look into this problem from another aspect, namely language, we can find a new dimension and it will show how deeply Javanese society has in fact been Islamized.
    The Arabic Language forms the basis for Islamic concepts. In the development of Islam Arabic words were borrowed by many Asian and African languages. Javanese also contains a plenty of Arabic words with certain phonetical changes. These Arabic loan words carry Islamic messages and influence the way Javanese think. Nowadays in daily conversation the fact of using Arabic loan words is almost unnoticed since such words are so deeply rooted in modern Javanese and so commonly used.
    Historically speaking by the beginning of 19th century Javanese had already contained many Arabic words. For examble, in Yasadipura I's Serat Cabolek which reflects the Javanese intellectual standard of the time, we find more than 150 Arabic loan words, which are used not only as religious and ethical terms but also scientific and legal ones.
    Furthermore, from the Arabic loan words that appear in Raffle's lexicon of the Javanese language, based on his stay in Java during the years 1811-1816, we recognize a great change taking place in Javanese religious life. First, time concepts are expressed by Arabic words, meaning that their daily life was organized around Muslim pious duties and festivals. Secondly, it became more important to record, and also more socially respectable to have “knowledge” or to become a learned man. Thirdly, Islamic law was applied and disputes were judged based on it. Moreover, Javanese values were manifested in Arabic loan words. It can safely be said that by this time Javanese life was deeply influenced by Islam.
    In the late years of the last century, a Dutch Orientalist, Juynboll, collected Arabic loan words in Javanese. From his list we can add more terms to those found in the work of Yasadipra I concerning religion, ethics, psychology, science, law, and society.
    How these words came into the Javanese language is somewhat of an enigma, since Java had never been colonized by the Arabs and the number of Arab inhabitants in Java was so very limited. We should give notice to the fact that most of those Arabic words carry rather abstract meanings and do not express concrete things. This means that these words were learned as scholastic activities and spread from there throughout the rest of society.
    In this respect it is noteworthy that the traditional religious schools, like the langgar and pesantren were the source of Javanese knowledge until the end of the 19th century. In these schools kitab (religious books written in Arabic) were used, and the main subject was Islamic Law, followed by Islamic Theology. Islamic Law is designed to regulate the relationships between God and human beings, as well as also relationships among “the faithful”. Islamic Jurisprudence as taught in the kitab discusses interpretations and applications of the law. Islamic Theology concentrates on the problem of how human behaviour is recognized rationally, arguing human beings are responsible for their own conduct, so it requires normative terms. It is strongly suggested that Arabic words were first learned by santri (pupils of Islamic schools) and then carried to the rest of society.
    In the modern age Arabic loan words still form the core of the Javanese language, and without them the Javanese would be unable to express their thoughts. This is even more true with the Indonesian language and the Indonesians. A lot of new foreign words from Dutch and Eng
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