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  • 藤本 百男
    法政論叢
    1996年 32 巻 143-154
    発行日: 1996/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Study on the political circumstances regarding the first general election for the Congressmen held in 1890 in Hyogo prefecture has been neglected except for the third election district which two countries in Tamba region be long to. Expecially, no research on the sixth district has been found in the past. This study focuses on the sixth district which covers three Harima counties: Kato, Kasai, and Taka. In the sixth district, three nominees competed each other for a single seat of Congress assigned for the Hyogo prefecture. Three nominees were; Tajiro Takase from Aikoku-Koto (Patriot Republic party), Kanzaburo Maruoka from Kaishinto (Reconstruction Party), and Shintaro Nishimura from a Neutral Party. The purpose of this study was to shed light on the profiles of three nominees and political parties and analyze the facts of the election activities based on the local newspapers such as Kobe Yushin Nippo (Kobe Daily News) and Kobe Shimbun (Kobe Newspaper) as a principal source. The study showed that the population of the electorate in the sixth district were exclusively high as twice as the nation wide average in terms of the voter's ratio per thousands. The election in the area triggered a fierce competition among the three parties and it was an epitome of the reality of the first election in Hyogo prefecture.
  • 第2次福井新聞の1年9か月と南越倶楽部
    池内 啓
    福井県文書館研究紀要
    2006年 3 巻 45-74
    発行日: 2006/03/31
    公開日: 2024/04/19
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 村瀬 信一
    史学雑誌
    1986年 95 巻 2 号 153-173,288
    発行日: 1986/02/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    In September 1890 the Daidokurabu, Saikojiyuto, Aikokukoto and the Kyushudoshikai together re-formed the Jiyuto in order to participate in Diet politics. Two months later, Jiyuto members sat in the First Imperial Diet. Jiyuto Diet representatives were determined as was the government, that this inaugural Asian parliament should not end in failure. This determination had been apparent even before the inauguration of the Diet, during the process of deciding Jiyuto policy towards the Diet. Furthermore, this determination was not the sole preserve of the 'traitorous' Aikokukoto group led bj Itagaki Taisuke, but rather enveloped all the Jiyuto Diet members. In this sense, it can be said that the compromise between the government and the Jiyuto which emerged during the first Diet was inevitable. It was precisely because of the tacit agreement with in the party to compromise with the government that Itagaki, who had preciously instigated the 'betrayal' was elected as party president, and this same action also allowed the Jiyukurabu -the 'traitors' who had left the party -to return peacefully to the Jiyuto within a short time. It can be seen from this that the cause of the 'betrayal' did not lie simply in the bribe received from the government. What sort of faction structure emerged in the Jiyuto during the first Diet? Which of the four original groups a Jiyuto Diet representative had belonged to was certainly one determinant of faction membership. This was particularly the case with the Aikokukoto group. However, that was not the only factor involved. In general, the factions seem to have been very fluid. The development of these factions will be the subject of a future paper.
  • 塩出 浩之
    史学雑誌
    1998年 107 巻 9 号 1615-1637
    発行日: 1998/09/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the present paper the author analyzes Oi Kentaro 大井憲太郎 in the period before and after the opening of the Imperial Diet in 1890 as a proponent of what political parties should be in the parliamentary system, which was alternative to those often regarded as the mainstream. Oi always thought that the Diet was necessary as an system to realize political participation of patriots. This idea was an extended version of the idea of public opinion 公議輿論 which had spread in the period of the Meiji Restoration. In 1889 Oi left the Union-at-Large 大同団結 and formed a non-association party 非政社, because he disagreed with the decision by the majority of the Union to organize a political association 政社 with no firm principles for forming a majority party. Oi believed that every patriot, and so every political party, must choose and hold fast to its principles. He thus planned an alliance 連合 with any party agreeing on practical questions, without organizing one association from them. In fact, his party nearly cooperated with the Constitutional Reform Party 立憲改進党. This way of allying lead to the Alliance-for-Progressive-Group 進歩派連合 Movement ; but the Government restricted the movement's activites by enacting the Assembly-and-Political-Association law 集会及政社法 which made alliances impossible. This was why the focal point of the early Imperial Diet was fixed on forming a majority party. Oi planned to bind the party's Diet members to party decisions made by members outside the Diet, to enable those not franchised to take part indirectly in the Diet as effectively as possible. His plan worked well for the Constitutional Liberal Party 立憲自由党 just after the Diet opened, because its Diet members were still not organized well and because Oi put pressure on them through his young followers. However, soon Diet members grew more and more dissatisfaction, and Oi's plan gave way to Hoshi Toru(星亨)'s plan that gave authority over party decisions to Diet members. Moreover, the Liberal Party under Hoshi's leadership put the treaty revision question under a party decision incompatible with Oi's opinion, though the question had been regarded as the issue in which patriots should have a voice and one transcending the area of party interests. Thus Oi was excluded from the party. After restrictions on alliances was loosened, however, six parties, including Oi's, formed an alliance based on a hardline foreign policies 対外硬六派連合, not least of which was the treaty revision question. Although merely a countermeasure against the Liberal Party's compromise with the Government, this alliance showed that the public consensus of patriots Oi had been hoping for was indeed possible in the Diet.
  • 主として政治意識の問題より見て
    遠山 茂樹
    社会学評論
    1951年 2 巻 1 号 22-28
    発行日: 1951/05/20
    公開日: 2009/11/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中野 弘喜
    史学雑誌
    2010年 119 巻 5 号 746-750
    発行日: 2010/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高層気象台長の大石和三郎
    武智 ゆり
    近代日本の創造史
    2007年 4 巻 26-37
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2008/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 池内 啓
    福井県文書館研究紀要
    2010年 7 巻 43-51
    発行日: 2010/03/26
    公開日: 2024/04/19
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 菅原 健史
    日本文学
    2006年 55 巻 6 号 46-54
    発行日: 2006/06/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    日本における民間電話交換事業が開始される一八九〇(明治二三)年一二月一六日を見据えて、遅塚麗水は『郵便報知新聞』に近未来小説「電話機」を連載した。電話という新しいメディアが引き起こす数々の社会問題を描いた「電話機」の各挿話中でも中核をなす、政治結社と警視庁の電話回線上での暗闘の物語を中心に分析することで、本論は科学技術の暴走に対して明治の文学者がどう受け止めたかを考察していく。
  • 石川 真澄
    選挙研究
    1992年 7 巻 4-18
    発行日: 1992/04/30
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 年報政治学
    1973年 24 巻 244-259
    発行日: 1974/03/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 社会経済史学
    2023年 89 巻 1 号 53-94
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2023/06/21
    ジャーナル 認証あり
  • 明治•大正期
    富田 信男
    選挙研究
    1986年 1 巻 65-93
    発行日: 1986/03/20
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1989年 98 巻 8 号 1440-1468
    発行日: 1989/08/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――日本歴史の諸断面の社会学的分析――
    富永 健一
    日本學士院紀要
    2017年 71 巻 3 号 137-
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/04/13
    ジャーナル フリー
        This is a study on the history of Japanese society based on three divisions, namely, the Ancient Stage, the Middle Stage, and the Modern Industrial Stage.
        As a country, Japan emerged during the fifth century under the name Yamato Chotei. Previously, it consisted of many small Uji and Kabane communities without the integrated and central control of Tenno domination under the name of “shiseisei”(氏姓制). It consisted of many small competing local areas, that fought incessantly between them.
        The important emperor Tenji Tenno(626–671), leader of the Taika-no-Kaisin , made a significant break to the traditional institution of the “shisei-sei” by introducing a new body that became known as “Handenshuju-sei”(班田収授制 in 律令制) in the year 645. The end result was the founding in 710 of the new capital Heijo-kyo in the city of Nara under the reign of Empress Genmei Tenno .
        However, the city of Nara was greatly affected by the sudden decision in 794 taken by Emperor Kanmu Tenno to make the city of Kyoto the country's capital. Although some may hold the view that there were similarities between the neighboring cities of Nara and Kyoto, they were dissimilar in most respects . In the city of Nara, land was divided under the measures of the nationalization plan. Conversely, in the city of Kyoto, land was divided according to measures of privatization. Also, in Nara the state drafted the Handenshuju plan, while in Kyoto there were no such plans.
        The result of these policies was that in Kyoto the land was owned by the wealthy, large religious institutions, and Buke families. In Nara, however, under Ritsryosei , common people were taxed so heavily that they escaped from the city to the countryside.
        As the premature Tenno continued to expand, it became necessary for them to be covered by “Sessho” and “Kampaku” until the Tenno matured. The growing Tenno needed such support, which led Sessho and Kampaku to acquire additional influence and power.
        The first Buke Society began in Kamakura Bakufu under Minamoto Yoritomo. Yoritomo married Masako of the Hojo family, and she was an able and strong woman. After the death of her husband, she became the head of the Kamakura Bakufu .
        Shugo and Jito were both Buke, and Yoritomo appointed them as the lords of the manor(荘園領主). However, Chotei and Bakufu were at odds with each other. Bakufu was stronger than Chotei in terms of military might, when they battled in 1221, in what became known as Jokyu-no-Ran, Bakufu was victorious. After the Jokyu-no-Ran, the large Mongolian Army attacked Japan on two occasions(Bun-ei no-Eki, 1274, and Koan-no-Eki, 1281), but were defeated each time by the Japanese defenders. However, the cost of these battles was great, and the Japanese army found itself impoverished.
        Another important event resulted from the dispute over the succession of the Tenno throne between the two lines consisting of the Jimyoin-party and the Daigakuji-party. Godaigo Tenno of the Daigakuji-party wanted to gain the crown by overthrowing the Bakufu. However, Godaigo was unsuccessful and this led him to create the “Nancho”(South Side).
        Meanwhile, Ashikaga Takauji, who supported the “Hokucho”(North Side) of Kyoto, kept to his own side leaving Chotei divided between North and South. As a result, Kamakura Bakufu was ruined, and Muromachi Bakufu was rebuilt by Ashikaga Takauji ]in Kyoto as the second Bakafu.
    (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)
  • 日本政治学会文献委員会
    年報政治学
    2014年 65 巻 2 号 2_291-2_322
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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