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  • 上野 裕久
    法社会学
    1964年 1964 巻 16 号 53-80,145
    発行日: 1964/04/10
    公開日: 2009/06/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper is the report on conditioning factors of Japanese students' sensibility to the Constitution based on the data collected from an attitude survey of the author's students at Saga University and Nagasaki Junior College of Shipbuilding. The results are: -
    1. Even in the beginning of college life, that is, before their learning of the Constitution, the students show more or less sensibility to the Constitution though they are blunter than the average students in all over Japan especially in Tokyo. Causes of this fact are supposedly due mainly to mass communication, which may be fraudulent by the control of the ruling class, and other factors including family situation, school educatlon, particular characteristics of locality. The latter group of the factors includes feudalistic climate of local villages which has vital influences upon sensibility to the Tenno system, experience of poverty upon that to rights of existence residence in a strategic area of Kyushu, which lies near Korea and holds two U. S. millitary bases, upon that to unconstitutionality of their establishment in Japan, frequent disasters and financial difficulties in those areas upon that to the Self-defense Forces, which may give their service free to relieve disasters, and so on. 2. The learning of natural science as well as the Constitution and social sciences makes students more sensible to the Constitution. This shows that reasonable knowledge of scientific thinking is effective in improving the sensibility. 3. Student movement are another remarkable conditioning factor of the sensibility, judging from the fact that those, who have experienced anti-U. S.-Japan Security Treaty demonstration and participated in the counter action to the bill of the University Management Law, have sharper sensibility to constitutional human rights and renunciation of war. 4. Class interests have somthing to do with sensibility to the Constitution, since they are understood as influential factors on the fact that some of the students of Nagasaki Junior Colledge of Shipbuilding are more sensible to the Constitution even before the learning of the Constitution than others who have already got acquainted with the constitutional principles.
    Thus the author concludes that reasonable knowledge of scientific thinking and the student movements against unconstitutional policy set forth by the goverment are the most influencial among factors conditioning sensibility to the Constitution and that converses are also true.
  • 星野 安三郎
    法社会学
    1963年 1963 巻 14 号 10-48,168
    発行日: 1963/04/20
    公開日: 2009/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Commission on the Constitution, which was established by the government in 1959 in order to investigate problems of the Japanese Constitution, is working energetically and expected to reach a conclusion in this autumn as to whether the Constitution should be amended or not. But, according to the writer, attention should be paid to the fact that the Commission as well as the government is trying to lead public opinion towards supporting the opinion that the Constitution should be amended in disregard of the trends of people's views of the Constitution. The writer insists, however, that people are becoming more and more familiar with and in favor of the Constitution as recognized in various kinds of sociological phenomena relating to the constitutional principles.
    The writer intends to take a bird's-eye view of the situation which he believes to be criticized as said above and the difference between people's views of the Constitution before World War II and those after it.
  • 大和田 敢太, 竹内 俊子
    法社会学
    1983年 1983 巻 35 号 122-127,241
    発行日: 1983/03/30
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    We have studied how the university students' understandings of the Constitution of Japan form and have recognized the important role played by education through the normal course of high school.
    We have found the following facts:
    (1) As for the Tenno (the Emperor) system, most students have no special interests in it. They cannot, perhaps partly because of this, understand the system theoretically, that is, from the viewpoint of the principles of the Constitution. Therefore, we must point out that university students accept the actual situation as regards the Tenno system.
    (2) As for the Peace problems, education as regards the real aim of the article 9 of the Constitution of Japan, as well as that of introductory provisions, has affected students greatly. But we must point out that the real nature of "the Self-Defence Force" (so called "Jiei-Tai") seems to be beyond their understandings.
    (3) As for the fundamental rights, education assumed a greater role towards the formation of university students' understandings. Since they understand well the reality of protection of these fundamental rights, they always seem to have great concern with current problems of human rights and have strong interest in people's present sense or attitude towards those human rights.
    (4) As for the Governmental Institutions, we could safely assume the same tendencies as we have mentioned above. But their self recognition as a sovereign people seems to be beyond the accessibility of education in the Constitutional Law.
    Therefore we would be able to indicate the following suppositions.
    (1) Education has made a great contribution at least to the formation of the university students' understandings of the Constitution of Japan, particularly as regards their understandings what the real problems of Peace and Rights are. We could probably say that university students' concerns are still in the actual political or social problems.
    (2) However, we must accept the real situation, that is, for all the education in the Constitution, the university students have no substantial understandings of it, not to mention the lack of their understanding of the theoretical problems as regards the Constitution.
    (3) Still more, we must accept the real situation of the educations of the Constitution, that is, they do not recognize the need for their actual movement towards the realization of their rights and those for their participation in politics in our country.
    Therefore we must claim the importance of education in the Constitution of Japan again. Perhaps we will be able to claim the importance of education in university as well as that through the normal course of high school.
  • 憲法•「世論」•メディア
    伊藤 公雄
    法社会学
    1994年 1994 巻 46 号 168-175
    発行日: 1994/04/30
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「『第九条』の国」から「『安保』の国」への転換点に立って
    金子 勝
    日本の科学者
    2016年 51 巻 4 号 18-23
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2024/02/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 阿波連 正一
    法社会学
    1998年 1998 巻 50 号 129-134,288
    発行日: 1998/03/20
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper deals with the principle of restrictions on the land ownership. The issue of land use by the U.S. military base in Okinawa has pressed us to clarify the principle of restrictions on the land ownership in Japan. The essential characteristic of the land ownership is that, although it fundamentally supports the capitalistic system, it is secured by the system itself. We claim, from this point of view, that the rule of restrictions on the land ownership must be based on the democratic procedures because the existing system of Japan is democracy. The procedures must be completed at three levels: the state, the district and the landowners. But in case of Okinawa the procedure to confirm the consent of the district has not been taken. The lack of that process is the main point of the problem of land use by the American force in Okinawa. In this situation the referendum of the people of Okinawa prefecture carried out in 1996 is significant and the result of it must be respected.
  • 日本文学
    2006年 55 巻 8 号 App3-
    発行日: 2006/08/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――戦争放棄の起源――
    福島 啓之
    国際政治
    2019年 2019 巻 195 号 195_75-195_91
    発行日: 2019/03/25
    公開日: 2019/05/16
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article re-examines the historical process of framing Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan, which is called Renunciation of War Clause, and focuses on its function as reassurance by the loser. Dealing with the function, this research explains the reason why postwar Japan-U. S. relationship could dramatically progress conflict resolution from the total war to the restoration of peace from both theoretical and historical standpoints.

    To answer the question mentioned above, this article argues that, in terms of a theory of reassurance by the loser, Postwar Japan intended to treat the victor’s anxiety on its challenge by relying on the normative self-restraint of Article 9 of the Constitution. The argument regards the provision of the Article as a signal justified by an appropriate norm. While the U. S. was concerned about Japan’s challenge and intended to make it impossible by prohibiting armament, Japan dealt with the fear of the U. S. by reassuring its own intention. Japan sent a normative signal of reassurance, which bound itself by denying war and armament. Therefore, it is appropriate to understand that, in essence, Article 9 of the Constitution had practical meaning as a signal of reassurance in order to let the U.S. and other countries know Japan’s peaceful intention, rather than an abstract norm derived from the idea of pacifism, which came from regret for the war.

    Tracing the historical process of framing Article 9 of the constitution reveals that it worked as the loser’s reassurance. The process was the opposite direction of the order of the completed text. The U. S. home government decided to disarm Japan at first, and the local commander MacArthur followed the policy. On the other hand, as Japanese leader, Prime Minister Shidehara proposed renunciation of war to MacArthur. However, it was just an ideal promise regarding peaceful intention, and lacked reassurance in terms of the capability. The Japanese government hoped to maintain the provision of armament in the constitution. It was unacceptable for the U.S., so it prepared a draft of the constitution which included renunciation of war proposed by Shidehara as well as the prohibition of arms. The U.S. presented the draft to Japan in order to confirm its peaceful intention. The draft imposed the cost of the prohibition of arms, while it mitigated the impression of burden by referring to the normative legitimacy of renunciation of war. The draft as the U.S. screening set up a hurdle that Japan should clear. Japan reassured the U.S. and other members of the international society by sending a signal which became costly due to the democratic institutional constraint of diet deliberations. It made Renunciation of War Clause a national pledge.

  • 河上 暁弘
    自治総研
    2017年 43 巻 461 号 18-44
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2023/07/12
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 吉田 善明
    法社会学
    1988年 1988 巻 40 号 9-15
    発行日: 1988/04/20
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 河上 暁弘
    自治総研
    2017年 43 巻 462 号 98-123
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2023/07/12
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 憲法学習の問題点として
    細川 哲
    社会科教育研究
    1976年 1976 巻 38 号 1-13
    発行日: 1976年
    公開日: 2016/12/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 小森 義峯
    憲法
    論叢

    2002年 9 巻 1-20
    発行日: 2002/12/23
    公開日: 2018/01/10
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    In the constituent Imperial Diet of 1946, Premier Yoshida explained that all war and all war potential including a war and war potential for self-defense were renounced on the Art. 9 of the draft of the Japanese Constitution. Japanese successive Cabinet has been adopting this interpretation on the Art. 9. Therefore, the present Cabinet also insists on the unconstitutionality of Execution of the right of collective self-defense. On the other hand, according to the interpretation of Kyoto school, as the Art. 9 renounces only a war as means of settling international disputes, by a general idea of international law, we can execute the right of collective self-defense. In this thesis, from a standpoint of Kyoto school, I advice change of the govermental interpretation on the Art. 9 of the Japanese Constitution.
  • 河上 暁弘
    自治総研
    2017年 43 巻 463 号 31-65
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2023/07/12
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 田上 穰治
    法哲学年報
    1957年 1956 巻 27-46
    発行日: 1957/04/30
    公開日: 2009/02/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 制憲史をふりかえって
    佐々木 高雄
    法社会学
    1988年 1988 巻 40 号 125-129,231
    発行日: 1988/04/20
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    Die geltende japanische Verfassung wurde unter der Besetzung in Eile gegeben. Also muß man in ihr viele zufällige Produkte finden, ween man auf ihre Entstehungsgeschichte Rückblick wirft. Aber nicht selten rechtfertigt man sie, als ob sie rational wären. Obwohl diese Rechtfertigunge unrichtig sind, haben sie immer auf unsere Diskussion über die Verfassung schwerwiegende Einflüsse ausgeübt. Mein Referat zielt darauf ab, klarzumachen, was ratitional ist, und was unrational ist, damit man den Irrtum beseitigen kann, daß alles Seinde richtig ist. Unterm Entwurf referiere ich über Art. 64, 96, 97, 9 der japanischen Verfassung und MacArthur's Notes.
  • リベラルからの九条改正論に抗する
    君島 東彦
    日本の科学者
    2016年 51 巻 1 号 02-03
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2024/02/13
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 藤田 清
    印度學佛教學研究
    1968年 17 巻 1 号 81-86
    発行日: 1968/12/25
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 杉田
    心理科学
    2007年 27 巻 1 号 91-92
    発行日: 2007/03/28
    公開日: 2017/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 直樹
    法社会学
    1974年 1974 巻 27 号 106-113
    発行日: 1974/10/10
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
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