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  • 所 三男
    社会経済史学
    1956年 22 巻 5-6 号 520-560
    発行日: 1956/04/20
    公開日: 2017/12/07
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 鈴木 裕子
    史学雑誌
    1977年 86 巻 2 号 177-195,242-24
    発行日: 1977/02/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    In March Cf 1868, the Meiji government's regulations against Christianity were made public. These new regulations in terms of content were inherited directly from the Bakufu. This decision was due to the complicated state of national affairs which included attacks on the government by the remnants of the Bakufu army and the ongoing clashes between foreigners and anti-foreigners. However, once these regulations were issued as law, the government had to preserve them, lest any change weaken its own authority and become a source of criticism against the government by those elements opposed to the new Meiji regime. The exiling of the thirty-four hundred Christians from Urakami Village in Nagasaki was the largest concession the Meiji government could make to foreign countries. This decision was implemented in December of 1869 despite delays resulting from the war. At first, the regulations concerning Christianity had no connection with the plan to make Shinto the established religion. However, this link was made during the government's efforts to retain the anti-Christian regulations. Accordingly, though the government promised generous treatment to foreigners after the Urakami villagers had been exiled, the government did not have any concrete plans to carry out its promise. Only in the fall of 1870 did Christianity become a subject of lively debate in the government, and that was simply because there was a fear of a problem possibly taking place in Kagoshima, the home of many important people in the government. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which had been receiving a constant stream of protests from foreign countries, understood that the problem of Christianity in Japan was an important one in foreign affairs. Yet, it had little power in the government and so did not participate in the making of government policy decisions concerning this issue. Nonetheless, the Foreign Ministry had continued to appeal to the government to keep the promises it had made to other countries. In the spring of 1871 the central government's suppression of the rebel forces ended in success. In July of the same year the "han" system was dissolved and replaced by the "ken" system of local government. As the government continued to centralize power and to institute organizational changes in the governmental system, it then began to show its willingness to change its policy by its handling of the Imari Incident in Saga and its release of those Urakami villagers who had given up their belief in Christianity. Also emerging at this time were demands for the end of any anti-Christian regulations by members of Japanese governmental missions in Europe and America. In February of 1872 when the government's concern over the discontented elements in Japan had come to an end, the enforcing of anti-Christian regulations also came to an end. In this way we can see that while the Meiji government's policy towards Christianity was a concern of Japanese foreign policy, essentially it was influenced more by domestic political factors and changes during this Period.
  • 東京地裁廃戸主判決と内務省先例からの考察
    宇野 文重
    法制史研究
    2002年 2002 巻 52 号 47-79,en5
    発行日: 2003/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper tries to make clear how "Iye" and the right of househead (Ko-shu ken) were interpreted in the family law of the early Meiji period, by analyzing both the "Deposition of Househead" cases in the lower courts and the administrative orders of the government. The "Deposition of Househead" (Hai-ko-shu) means the househead being deprived of his or her right to property and status as a patriarch by the decision of his or her family, notwithstanding his or her own will. It has been recognized as the apparatus supporting the preservation of "Iye" system or "Ko" (house), which was prescribed by the Family Register Law of 1872. In the early Meiji period, while the government admitted the househead's right to properties which had been succeeded to by the family for many generations, the househead might be deprived of that right and status if he or she acted against the interests of "Iye". Accordingly, it was not the househead but "Iye" or "Ko" that had the right to the patrimony. On the other hand, there are opinions that "Ko" was not an actual unit of family but an abstract and ideological concept at the time. This paper tries to clarify how "Iye" and the right of househead were treated by the judiciary and the administration in real cases.
    In the first place, when we analyze 48 decisions of Tokyo District Court concerning the claims to deprive househeads of their rights and status, we know that 64% of the claims were rejected by the court. So, we can say that the court restricted the compulsory removing of the househeads against their will. The decisions also tell that many of the househeads in the cases were "Yo-Koshu" (adopted sons), who were in relatively lower position in the family. Furthermore, the court admitted that househeads had the right to the patrimony and demanded them to support the living of the family and maintain it. Therefore we can say that the househead was recognized not as a patriarch having absolute powers and standing on the top of "Ko", but as a "head of the household" who was supposed to maintain the household, a unit of living, maintenance and residence. The househead as a head of the household had the exclusive right to properties of the family. It was this exclusive right to properties that led to the protection of the right of househead. Househeads were, on the other hand, deprived of their status when they abused their right and went beyond the purpose of maintaining the household. The judgements of "Deposition of Househead", therefore, were given in order not to preserve "Iye" system, but to protect the household. The "Deposition of Househead" which originated in Edo period, changed its function and protected the household in the early Meiji period. This is what we can see from the Tokyo District Court cases.
    In the second place, when we consider about 160 administrative orders of the government, especially that of the Ministry of Public Affaires (Naimu-sho Shirei), issued in response to the inquiries from prefectures, we know that househeads were deprived of their rights and status when they were missing or punished, though there were some legal requirements. The most important requirement in the orders of the Ministry of Public Affaires was that the family could not live because of the househead's absense. The Ministry of Public Affaires admitted that househeads had the right to the patrimony and paid serious attention to their own will, unless their wives and children or old parents were poor and in starvation, in which cases the properties were disposed of even against the househead's will. We can say that in the administration, as in the judiciary, the exclusive right to properties led to the protection of the right of househeads.
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