本研究は高知県室戸市から水産会社への乗組員の輩出の構造を明らかにすることを目的とする。室戸市は和歌山県太地町・宮城県鮎川町・長崎県宇久町などと並び、多数の乗組員が輩出された地域であった。室戸出身の乗組員の多くは大洋漁業と極洋捕鯨に所属していたが、そのうちの一人に日本を代表する砲手・泉井守一氏がいた。　泉井氏は所属した大洋漁業に多くの室戸出身者を乗組員として採用したとされているが、同氏は既に故人であるため聞き取りによってその詳細を検証することは不可能である。そこで本研究では、泉井守一氏の自伝や同氏に関連する出版物における記述内容を分析し、そこから泉井氏が乗組員を採用した方法や採用方針などを解明するとともに、室戸から水産会社へ員が輩出された構造を明らかにしていく。　泉井氏が乗組員の採用に携わるようになったのは1935（昭和10）年以降のことであった。この年、泉井氏の所属する会社は団の南氷洋出漁を決定し、8隻を新造した。これに伴う乗組員の大量増員に際して、泉井氏は砲手・甲板部員の採用と訓練を担当するようになった。泉井氏は乗組員の採用にあたり、船内作業におけるチームワークの構築を重視し、かつ即戦力として働くことのできる人材を必要としていた。同氏はチームワークの点では気心の知れた同郷の人間と作業するのが適当だと考え、室戸出身者を積極的に採用した。　当時、室戸における乗組員募集の窓口となったのは、泉井守一氏の兄・安吉氏であった。安吉氏は室戸町で鉄工所を経営し、マグロ延縄漁で使用する漁具の開発・製造に従事していた。安吉氏は地元のマグロ漁船の乗組員を弟・守一氏に紹介した。この結果、大洋漁業には現室戸市域の中でも、特にマグロ漁が盛んな室戸町・室戸岬町出身の乗組員が多くなったといえる。

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Various studies have been carried out on whaling mainly by American vessels throughout the Atlantic, Pacific and Indian Oceans in the 18th and 19th centuries. The studies cover firstly the natural history of whales; secondly, an enlarged geographical view in accordance with the expansion of operating areas, almanac of whaling activities, and studies on whaling from the standpoint of the social sciences. Naturally, there are many unsolved problems in social science studies with their relatively short history. Nevertheless, the writer seeks to identify-by approaching new resources and references-the conditions that made New England the center of whaling in the 18th and 19th centuries.
The writer wishes to point out that the favorable environment for investors made it possible for them to acquire enough funds to start whaling businesses. In those days, new vessels were built and used ones were purchased by consortiums supported by joint small investments in each vessel. A consortium, unlike companies today, did not try to increase the number of vessels. It dissolved itself when a vessel was no longer used or was sold. There are two explanatory theories; deficiency of capital for ship building and losses due to various accidents. These two theories do not necessarily seem to match the facts. As for the former case, investors allocated small amounts for many vessels at the same time. As for the latter, there already existed insurance to cover sea accidents although not a poor hunt. Accordingly, many consortiums were repeatedly established or dissolved. At the same time, each consortium provided good opportunities for investors.
Under these circumstances, no individual risked owning a whaling vessel by investing a substantial amount. Instead, investors left the management of their vessels to an agent. The agent was one of the investors in a consortium, but his investment was modest. He was also a merchant who handled supplies of necessities for voyages of vessels, and sales of whale products upon a vessel's return. Therefore, an agent, like other investors, tried to expand his sales by investing small amounts in many vessels, and at the same time protected himself from a poor catch. Even if a loss was incurred, it was covered by profits from other vessels and sales. Thus the fund provided by other investors was also protected.
Profits from whaling to the crew members were distributed by a lay system. According to this system the crew had to share the risks of fluctuating whaling fortunes, but even in this case the investors' fund was always protected.
Conventional social restrictions upon employing crew members had already been removed, and a new employment custom based on a distribution of profit was established. The contract between the whaling management and the crew was renewed at each voyage. In this case, head hunters were active. They provided crew members with information on the personal experience of each master of a vessel, and on the productivity of each vessel. These facts were very important because they affected the distribution of profits, and the crew selected the next vessel based on such information provided by head hunters.
Under such circumstances, investments encouraged further investments in New England, and whaling developed into an industry. New England attracted many people with professional skills and knowledge, and became the center of the American whaling business. It lasted much longer in the region than in any other parts of the country.

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The writer contributed to “Journal of Geography 2000” Vol.109 on whaling by sailing vessels in the 19th century. Here, the writer studied details the management of whaling voyages at that time.
Whaling voyages extended from one year to two, threes, and four years. This necessitated whaling vessels calling at several ports en route for supplies of water, firewood and food. Hakodate in Japan, which was already open to foreign vessels, was one of the ports of call. Whale oil and whalebone harvested during a voyage were sent by cargo clippers to the respective home ports in New England, via supply ports centering on Honolulu in the Sandwich Isis. The purpose was to empty the hold and quickly cash in the cargo.
The places of birth of crews were New England and other areas in the USA, but they actually lived around their home ports and had us citizenship. Some of crew members died due to various accidents, or left their vessels because of illness. In addition, in the Pacific, a number of unskilled hands deserted their vessels at some islands of call. Therefore, the vacancies had to be filled at port of calls. As a result, many crews changed composition from the time of departure.
The lay-system was contracted at the port of departure. Dividends based on percentage of proceeds of whale oil and whalebone were paid to crews upon return to port. This lay-system was adopted by American whaling, but there were great differences in dividends received by skilled and unskilled hands. In addition, in the case of unskilled hands, dividend account was greatly reduced by advance money and interest before and during the sailing. Therefore, their net income was very small.
Untill the 1850s, whaling prospered and proceeds from whale oil and whalebone were large.
Naturally, dividends for investors were large. Therefore, shipbuilding casts were easily covered by around 2 voyages. But, in the 1870s when American whaling declined as proceeds from whale oil and whalebone were reduced by the lay-system, both dividends for investors and crews also decreased, although whaling as an enterprise was still carried on. But, interest in whaling of both investors and crews was receding. In the 1870s the number of American crews decreased, and foreign crews including skilled hands increased. Many extra hands also had to be hired.
In the history of economics American whaling by sailing vessels in the 19th century can be considered to be at the manufacturing stage. Theory explained that manufacturing develops into a capitalist industry through the Industrial Revolution or mechanization. However, American whaling by sailing vessels did not follow this course. It can be considered that both investors and crews (capital and labor) moved out of the whaling industry to other sectors in the latter part of the 19th century as whale resource decreased. The whale oil market price fell due to competition from petroleum. Moreover, at this time in New England there were large investments in various industries, and the labor market on land was expanding. This is in contrast to the Japanese case in which a manufacturing scale fishery developed into capitalist stage fishery with a limited investment area and a small labor market. The writer would like to pursue this subject.

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