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全文: "日本会議" 保守
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  • 田島 忠篤
    現代社会学研究
    2017年 30 巻 55-58
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/06/16
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 鈴木 彩加
    フォーラム現代社会学
    2017年 16 巻 29-42
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/06/13
    ジャーナル フリー

    1990年代以降に草の根レベルで展開されるようになった保守運動に人びとが参加する理由は、「癒し」や「不安」といった言葉で論じられてきた。しかし、冷戦体制の崩壊やグローバル化の進展などの社会変化に由来する「不安」がナショナリズムへと接続することで解消されるという説は、「不安」が運動を通してどのように「癒される」のかという点について明らかではない。さらに、国内や海外の先行研究では、女性参加者らが運動内で性差別に遭遇していることが示されており、「癒し」と「不安」という説明は女性参加者にも適用できるのか、ジェンダーの観点から慎重に検討する必要がある。本稿では女性の動きが活発だと言われている「行動する保守」を対象に、女性団体A会の非-示威行動で実施した調査から、保守運動の参加者同士の相互行為をジェンダーの観点から考察することを目的とした。

    A会の非-示威行動の場で参加者たちは様々なジョークを話していることから、本稿ではジョークの持つ機能に着目した。「嫌韓」や「愛国心」といった政治意識上「右」に位置するジョークは、参加者たちが共有する知識や価値観をもとに成立しており、参加者同士の交流を円滑にする機能を有していた。しかしながら、「慰安婦」問題に関しては高齢男性の性差別的ジョークに女性参加者たちが「沈黙」する場面が見られ、ジェンダーに関するトピックは参加者間の相違を顕在化させることが明らかとなった。

  • 太郎丸 博
    理論と方法
    2018年 33 巻 1 号 2-14
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー

     日本において保守的な人ほど学問に対して否定的な態度をとりやすいのかどうかを検討した.保守的な態度の指標として安倍内閣支持,保革自己イメージ,権威主義,排外意識の4つを用い,学問に対する態度の指標として学問効用認知と環境学,医学,経済学,歴史学,憲法学に対する相対的な信頼度を用いた.分析の結果,ある程度は保守的であるほど学問に対して否定的になりやすい傾向が見られたが,一貫したものではなかった.権威主義の直接効果は存在せず,保革自己イメージは,中間が最も学問に否定的で,保守と革新の両方で肯定的になることもあった.排外意識が有意な効果を持ったのは,歴史学と憲法学に対する相対的な信頼度だけであった.安倍内閣支持は医学に対する相対的な信頼度以外では有意な効果を持ったが,学問効用認知をむしろ高めていた.以上から,政治的な態度と学問に対する支持のあいだに関係があることは明らかであるが,それは分野によって異なっているだけでなく,むしろ保守的な人のほうが肯定的な場合もあることがわかった.

  • 鈴木 彩加
    ソシオロジ
    2011年 56 巻 1 号 21-37,95
    発行日: 2011/06/30
    公開日: 2015/05/13
    ジャーナル フリー
     Conservatives and conservative associations have attacked the 1999 Basic Law for aGender-equal Society, whose aim was to correct gender discrimination and the gendergap from 2000. Today, this force is called “Backlash”, and is supported by housewivesat the grassroots. Are these women opposed to gender equality, and if so, why? Thispaper explores the reason why some housewives join the backlash, and examinesgender politics in that backlash. For this purpose, we analyze conservative discoursein magazines, newsletters of various associations, and communication magazines ofgrassroots movements. As a result of the analysis, we find the following two points. Firstly, while abstractarguments that regard the family as the foundation of society and of the state accountfor the vast majority of articles, housewives however emphasize individual experiences,such as communication among family members, housekeeping and child-raising.Secondly, conservative female intellectuals are observed to have two facets, that ofthe intellectual, and that of the housewife. They describe the stories of their ownexperiences in the family as a housewife, and also discuss their value from the point ofview of society and state. In conclusion, we examine the internal politics of the backlash. There are conflictingopinions between housewives and the mainstream of the backlash about the familymodel. However, the two facets of conservative female intellectuals conceal the conflict,and assume a pseudo-continuity between housewives’ individual experiences andconservative discourse.
  • 塚田 穂高
    宗教と社会
    2016年 22 巻 92-93
    発行日: 2016/06/11
    公開日: 2018/07/20
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 塚田 穂高
    宗教研究
    2012年 85 巻 4 号 1060-1061
    発行日: 2012/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石井 研士
    宗教研究
    2012年 85 巻 4 号 1059-1060
    発行日: 2012/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小泉 昭久
    日本結晶学会誌
    2001年 43 巻 1 号 116-117
    発行日: 2001/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本オーラル・ヒストリー研究
    2018年 14 巻 9-
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/12/26
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 塚田 穂高
    宗教研究
    2010年 83 巻 4 号 1567-1569
    発行日: 2010/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 後藤 悠里
    ソシオロジ
    2011年 55 巻 3 号 69-84,126
    発行日: 2011/02/28
    公開日: 2015/05/13
    ジャーナル フリー
     This paper examines ‘backwardness’, which has attracted attention from researchers who focus on comparative theory of welfare states in East Asian countries. Its aim is to clarify the meaning of ‘backwardness’ by examining the legislative processes of anti-discrimination legislation in Hong Kong and Korea. From the comparison of the legislative processes, we find ‘singularity/pluralism of opinion by disabled people’ and ‘opportunities for indirect/direct statement by disabled people.’ This can explain the enlarged process of participation by disabled people in the United Nations. The opportunities for discussion between the United Nations and civilian social organizations were enlarged in 1996. From other documents, it can be recognized that the United Nations values its partnership with these organizations and tries to arrange for a platform for discussions. According to this principle, when the discussion of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities began in 2001, disabled organizations participated in ad hoc committees and played a major role. Subsequently this change in the international environment has empowered disabled people. In Korea, disabled people participated in the discussion preceding the enactment of anti-discrimination legislation, which resulted in ‘pluralism of opinion by disabled people’ and ‘opportunities for direct statement by disabled people’. In this paper, ‘backwardness’ is not related solely to international economic circumstances. ‘Backwardness’ is also important because it accompanies ‘change in the international environment and the emergence of an international civilian society’. It explains the difference between the legislative processes of Hong Kong and Korea. This paper may contribute to future theory by including the experiences of East Asia after the theory of ‘welfare regime’.
  • 坂本 孝治郎
    年報政治学
    1985年 36 巻 49-85
    発行日: 1986/03/28
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 久礼 義一
    法政論叢
    1984年 20 巻 87-96
    発行日: 1984/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper is an extract from my presentation"A Study On a Citizens Movement"given at Japan Association of Legal and Political Sciences in May of 1983. Introduction 1. The new tendency of the citizens movement in Japan. (a)The change of the quality. (b)The present condition of the direct claims system. 2. The real state of this citizens movement. (a)The summary. (b)The elements of this citizens movement. (c)The attitude of city council and the executive. (d)The relation with election of assemblymen. Conclusion I think the element of this successful citizen movement is following. 1. political culture in Sakai City. 2.No relation with political party. 3.Good leader. 4.Many citizens are interested in the political ethics.
  • 増井 三夫
    日本の教育史学
    2005年 48 巻 105-115
    発行日: 2005/10/01
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    [1] In the history of public education in Prussia, the significance of Vormarz (before march, 1848) cannot be understated. Although there is historical research on legislation of government administration of uniform education, also known as Suvern's "national education," demonstrative research on the historical meaning of "public" education has not been thoroughly studied. This paper will read the discourse of "public" and "private" found in the deliberations of the State Diet and determine what "public" education meant in this context. The only research to date is Masui's "Demonstrative Research on Acculturation and Social Discipline Associated with The Organization of School Districts in Modern German Society." This paper relies on Masui's research, but uses the proceedings of the Rhine State Diet for the first time in or out of the field. [2] The Prussian State Diet recognized itself not as an administrative partner, but as a control mechanism. This intention pierced through all deliberations, and the view that an educational system is a concern for the community is also expressed in the elementary school regulation of the state- "Gemeinde Prinzip" (Masui). I think that this information will challenge accepted theory, requiring a fundamental revision. In the Prussian State, the concrete conception of "die allgemeine Volks-Bildung" was not yet discussed, and "public" was used only to refer to "public poor relief," state poorhouses funded by state fiscal resources. In the Westfalen State Diet, "public welfare," "public" roads and riverways, as well as "public" domain as an object of administrative regulation in everyday life was discussed. On the matter of school subsidies, "public" came to hold the same meaning as "public welfare" did in Prussia. [3] In the Rhine State Diet, it has been discovered that a "public education" ("Voksbildung") plan was discussed. Although the "nation" was not referred to in this "public education" ("Voksbildung") plan, "public education" essentially overlapped with Suvern's "national education." This overlap was not discussed in the Prussian State Diet, but the national education plan of Suvern was revived in the Rhine State. From this special feature Prussian educational history may be determined. In the deliberations of the three State Diets in the 1840s, we cannot determine "the most powerful" regulation, or sovereignty over national education held by the bureaucracies of the various Ministries of Education. In the three State Diets, the pluralistic arguments that cannot be read through the lens of national awareness developed. This article considers only one aspect of this development; understanding the historical entirety of "public" education within the discourse of the State Diets is a subject for future discourse.
  • 増田 弘
    国際政治
    1986年 1986 巻 Special 号 145-165,L11
    発行日: 1986/10/18
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ishibashi Tanzan, the Finance Minister under the first Yoshida cabinet (May 22, 1946 to May 24, 1947) was purged on May 16, 1947, in accordance with category G of Appendix “A” of SCAPIN-550, dated January 4, 1946. Ishibashi's purge was clearly unreasonable. As president and editor-in-chief of the Oriental Economist, Ishibashi had been firmly in opposition to the Manchurian Incident (1931), the Sino-Japanese War (1937-45), The Triple Alliance (1940), and the Pacific War (1941-45). He was well known as one of the few liberalists opposing the totalitarian government in those days. That is why Colonel Kramer, who became the first chief of the Economic & Scientific Section (ESS) of GHQ and had been a reader of the Oriental Economist even during the war, asked for Ishibashi's cooperation from September to December, 1945.
    This article aims to clarify the factors and process of Ishibashi's purge as GHQ's attempt to silence him and to squelch his economic enlargement policies in favor of their own economic retrenchment policies. There were three purge actions on Ishibashi. The first purge movement was requested by the Soviet representatives at the Far Eastern Commission (FEC) conference; GHQ disagreed. The second occasion arose when Ishibashi and ESS came into extreme conflict over the Extraordinary Tax Legislation issue, but General MacArthur denied his purge for fear that the Yoshida cabinet would fall. And finally, the situation that led to the purge of Ishibashi was the clash on the cost problems of the Occupation that occurred between Ishibashi and GHQ. Moreover, the Government Section (GS) viewed Ishibashi as a dangerous man for offering such stout resistance to GHQ. GS had to purge him not as a politician, but as an journalist because there was no clause on resistance to the Allied Powers as a justification in SCAPIN-550. Prime Minister Yoshida assumed an indifferent attitude because Ishibashi was becoming powerful in the Liberal Party.
  • 大矢 吉之
    憲法論叢
    2002年 8 巻 1-25
    発行日: 2002/03/23
    公開日: 2018/01/10
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Donald Robinson presented a paper titled "Can Constitutional Democracy Be Imposed? : A Case Study of the Origins of the Japanese Constituition" at the 1999 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. At the 1997 Annual Meeting, he gave a thesis on the origins of the Constitution of Japan as follows : The making of the Constitution of 1946 was a collaborative achievement. The purpose of this paper is to reexamine how Robinson's thesis is developed in his new paper.
  • 小幡 操
    国際政治
    1964年 1964 巻 24 号 41-54,L2
    発行日: 1964/04/05
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    There are two points which determine the fundamental Japanese attitude in the United Nations toward the limitation of armament. One is how it should be and the other is restraint of policy which Japan has actually applied.
    The first point has several questions. 1. United Nations centralism which the Japanese government proclaimed when Japan entered the United Nations and which Japan has maintained as one of its diplomatic principles. 2. Obligations of chapter nine of the Japanese constitution. 3. National desire to be secured by the United Nations. 4. Experience of nuclear bombs and nuclear test.
    The second point also has following questions. 1. The Japanese government's idea to elevate Japan's position in international relations. 2. Advancement of rearmament of Japan which raises question about the chapter nine of the Japanese constitution. 3. Step to make security of Japan dependent on American armament. 4. Complicated relations between American military policy and Japanese request for suspension of nuclear test.
    The Japanese government was distressed by the contradiction between these two points. Its former active attitude about limitation of armament and suspension of nuclear testing has been gradually reduced to a passive one. The government has even lost its independence in offering proposals about it. As a result, the govenment's policy has more and more departed from what it should be, and has therefore separated from Japanese national opinion.
    This phenomenon was especially remarkable on the subject of limitation of armament. The attitude of the Japanese government about this subject has been changed many times and finally has taken a third person's attitude. Cause of this confusion can be partially found in lacking of fundamental study about this subject. The Japanese government's opinion has lately been limited to suspension of nuclear testing.
    Moreover even its attitude about suspension of nuclear testing has lost its enthusiasm and individuality, and tries to discharge its duty by concerning itself only with technical matters. The government ought to reconsider seriously how it should be and conditions for it. This will be the problem in future.
  • 榊田 均
    評価・診断に関するシンポジウム講演論文集
    2006年 2006.5 巻
    発行日: 2006/11/29
    公開日: 2017/06/19
    会議録・要旨集 認証あり
    This paper describes the trend of inter national standards for condition monitoring and diagnostics (CMD) of machines by ISO/TC108/SC5. Some typical standards of CMD are introduced in this paper include the standard for training and certification of personnel of CMD engineer. JSME established the certification system of vibration CMD engineer.
  • 櫻井 義秀
    理論と方法
    2017年 32 巻 1 号 80-96
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー

     本稿では,近年の宗教研究とウェル・ビーイング研究のレビューを通して「宗教」と「幸せ」の関連を問う適切な問題設定を行うことを目的とする.この研究の難しさは,被説明変数としての「幸せ」のみならず,説明変数としての「宗教」も多様な側面を持つために,幸せのどの側面と宗教のどの側面との関連を考察の対象としているのか十分に自覚することなく,宗教は人を幸せにするかという高度に抽象的で哲学的な命題が議論されてきたことにある.したがって,本研究ではまず,宗教を宗教意識,宗教行為,宗教集団と制度の次元に分節化する社会学的方法論を示し,次いで,ウェル・ビーイングの多面的性質を論じたルート・ヴェーンホヴェンの研究を参照して,生活の機会と結果,生活の内的質と外的質の二軸から,生活の環境,生活満足感,生きる力と幸福感と類型化された「幸せ」の諸側面と宗教との関わりを検討する.そして,最後にヴォルフガング・ツァップフの考察を参考にして,「幸せ」の客観的指標と主観的評価が乖離する不協和と適応,および剥奪の状態においてこそ,宗教が「幸せ」を再構築する独特の機序があることを示そうと考えている.

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