The Tehran Manuscript of the Jami' al-tavarikh (Kitabkhanah-i Majlis-i Shuray-i Milli, MS no. 2294) has so far been neglected in the scholarly world in general save in Japan where some scholars used the facsimile edition of this manuscript in their scholarly articles. This manuscript was, however, only partially utilized in them, and the true value of it remains unknown to the world.
This article intends to bring to light the unique features of this manuscript in comparison with other manuscripts such as Istanbul Manuscript (Revan Köškü 1518) and Paris Manuscript (Supplément persan 1113) and to prove that it is actually older and much more accurate manuscript of the Jami' al-tavarikh than the Istanbul Manuscript which has so far been considered to be the best and oldest manuscript of the same work.

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Jarruci is generally regarded as a judge; however, the post included not only judicial duties but also management of census registers and fiscal administration. Although the relation of census registers to jarruci has not attract researchers' attention to date, it is a matter of no small importance in the structural fabric of the Mongol Empire. In the Secret History of the Mongols, there is a description of the origin of jarruci. It seems that Cinggis Qan decreed to share out people to his clan and establish jarruci at a time. It shows that the jarruci's two duties were interrelation, that is to apportion qubi (assigned territories, people and possessions) shared out among the imperial princes and to try transgressors by jarru. The nomadic groups multilayeredly formed by sharing among the Cinggised lines and dominant noyans were called ulus. One ulus corresponded to each jarruci's jurisdictional limits. Jarruci's administrative role was closely connected to the structure of the Mongol Empire composed of multilayered uluses. From superordinate ulus to subordinate ulus, sharing olja (spoils) were shared as qubi. At the connecting points of such a multilayered social structure, jarruci apportioned qubi justly, and kept order among the ulus. Jarruci investigated olja and reported the results to the qan of his ulus, then carried out the apportionment of qubi as ordered by the qan. At the same time, jarruci were dispatched from subordinate ulus to superordinate ulus to ensure qubi of his ulus. Jarruci, in other words, redistributed qubi inside their own ulus and as a dispatched offical ensured qubi outside their own ulus. Ulus and ulus, sedentary territories and nomadic territories were connected by jarruci, and thereby the Mongol Empire was able to maintain a certain degree of uniformity as a single state.

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Dastur al-Katib of Muhammad b. Hindushah Nakhchiwani, a collection of style sheets for official documents of the Jalayirids (the successor dynasty to the Ilkhanids, the Mongol dynasty in Iran during the 13th and 14th centuries), has been regarded as one of most famous Persian insha' literatures (works of prosaic art for letter writing). However, an important question has been ignored why such a voluminous insha' collection was compiled by the official order during the latter half of the Mongol period, when traditional Persian insha' was in decline. In this article, the author discussed peculiar ways of compiling Dastur different from other traditional Persian insha' collections and the influence of Mongol chancellery practices under the Ilkhanids on Persian insha' tradition. The compilation of Dastur was begun in the last years of the Ilkhanids by an official order of the last Ilkan, Abu Sa`id but before its completion the Ilkhanids collapsed, and after 25 years it was resumed and dedicated to the second ruler and real founder of the Jalayirids, Shaykh Uways. Dastur, which consists of 800 style sheets is chaptered in a rare manner compared to other insha' collections; that is, the traditional way of chaptering insha' collections is by categories of documents and letters, but in Dastur the style sheets are categorized by differences in ranks and titles to whom they should be addressed. Though the great volume and pecuriarity of Dastur made it necessary to compilean excerpt entitled al-Irshad fi al-Insha', in which only usual documents, excluding edicts regarding Mongol officials, are chaptered in the traditional way, Dastur was designed to be a complete collection of style sheets for the Jalayirids ; and the last chapter of Dastur, which contains directions on how to use the collection, insists that chapters and style sheets must not be modified or deleted, and if new formats for official documents become necessary, they must be composed in the same way as the other style sheets and added to the collection. There is a similar collection of style sheets in the Ilkhanids chancellery system in the collection of formats for official letters compiled after Ghazan Khan's reform. Ghazan Khan, who desired khan's own supervision over the chancellery system to be strengthened, compiled a collection of formats for all kinds of official letters accredited by him entitled Dastur a1-Umur, and ordered the chancellery to compose and issue all official documents according to its style sheets. Therefore, Dastur which was compiled soon after the establishment of Jalayirid rule under Shaykh Uways, can be said to have played the same role as the Ilkhanid Dastur al-Umur ; and as for the chancellery system that the Jalayirids took over from the Ilkhanids system, Dastur is amalgam of the Ilkhanid Mongol chancellery practices and the Persian insha' tradition.

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During 13-14th century in Iran under the Ilkhanids, it has been noted that Iranian local societies were independent because Mongols were unable to control their settled societies. This was in particular emphasized in the south-west part of Iran, where many local ruling families had semi-independent dominance. But, what kind of administrative policy and system the Ilkhanids had toward such local societies is still obscure. Fars, one of the south-west regions of Iran, had some noticeable characteristic which were different from such a general understanding. First, it was financially important for the Ilkhanids. Second, the local ruling family Salghurids, was abolished in its earlier stage. And lastly, after collapse of the Ilkhanids, a new ruling family, the Injuids appeared. Although the Ilkhanids fiscal administration in Fars was studied by Dr. A. K. S. Lambton, her study was limited to listing of the confused aspects of Mongol fiscal control. Therefore in this paper, I have presented the analysis of (I) the processes of establishment of Ilkhanids' administrative system and policy in Fars, (II) the characteristics of the system and policy, (III) the background of the emergence of the Injuids, and (IV) the relationship between the Ilkhanids' rule and Shiraz society. Mongol administrative and fiscal system were first introduced to Fars by Salghurid atabeks, who were recognized their rule and established the relationship with the Ilkhans' family by marriage; Then various new taxes which the Mongols introduced to Iran, and the crown land inju were established. After the diminishment of the Salghurids' power, Fars was put under control of the governors(hakims) who were sent from the central government. But those who played the most important role in controlling Fars were the merchants of the Indian Ocean trade, the Sawamilis, rulers of Qays Island in Persian Gulf. They emerged because of the importance of Shiraz (the capital of Fars) in trade route between the Indian Ocean and inland regions of Iran, and Ilkhanids' strong interest in commercial wealthes. On their cooperation, muqata' ah system, the Ilkhanids' basic tax-collecting method had a great effect. But on the other hand, the relationship between the Sawamili who were the outsiders in the local society of Fars and other diwan officers who were in charge of tax-collecting was never free from hard conflicts. During the reign of seventh Ilkhan Ghazan, Ilkhanids' policy to Fars changed. First, though fiscal reform in Fars failed, Fars got more importance because its inju lands were Ghazan's own property. Second, since Sawamilis' Qays was defeated by Hurmuz which administratively belonged to Kirman, Sawamilis' contract got less effective in controlling the wealth of the Indian Ocean trade. Because of these changes, after the Sawamilis lost their position in Fars, the Injuids (inju administrators in Fars and bureaucrats of high office in the central government) finally held domination over Fars. In the background of the rise of the Injuids, there were the strict controls over Fars by the central government, and the financial importance of inju land system in the Ilkhanids. Then, the question is what kind of influence such a administrative policy of Ilkhanids had over Shiraz society. We can observe it in the appointment of the qadi al-qudat, and in the charitable activities toward public institutions of Shiraz. The change in three families of the qadi al-qudat of Shiraz in Mongol period, the Tabataba' is, the Baydawis and the Falis, reveals that the Ilkhanids made a lot of the request from Shiraz notables in the appointment of the qadi al-qudat. But Majd al-Din Fali's close and personal relationship with Rashid al-Din, the prime policy maker of the later Ilkhanids, suggests the political role of intellectual circle which Rashid al-Din organized in Ilkhanids'

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In Central Asia, the term iqta' appeared in a chronicle again in the late 16th century. Soviet historians understood that it was similar to soyicrghal or tankhvah and was used as an outdated term having no substance. As B. Ahmedov pointed out, however, the iqta' meant that the members of the royal family and distinguished amirs were granted the administrative and the tax immunity at a certain area by the khan under the agreement that they would offer military service and pay a portion of their tax revenue to the state. The iqta' was different from the soyurghal apearing in the documents, which meant the right given to the moslem saints or the learned men and tankhvah given to the soldiers, but was synonymous with the soyurghal in the chronicles in those centuries. It was related to the khan's appanage grant policy and to the tradition of soyurghal in the previous eras', but was not the same with the military iqta' system.

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With regard to idrar in the Ilkhanid state, a famous scholar Petrushevsky wrote as below in the volume 5 of the Cambridge History of Iran thirty years ago:
Apart from the fief of the military nobility (iqta') there existed conditional grants of land and rent to members of the bureaucracy and the religious bodies. The grant for life of rent in kind (corn, barley, rice) or money was called ma'ishat (Arabic literally “livelihood”) and when granted into heredity (mauruth) or when it was “eternal” (abadi) it was called idrar (literally “pension”). Often such a grant was replaced by the grant of a village of the Divan, the income (=amount of taxes) from which equalled the sum of the ma'ishat or the idrar.
Now we have new sources on idrar, however. They are two large waqf endowment deeds, Waqfnama-yi Rab'-i Rashidi of Rashid al-Din Fadlallah Hamadani, and Jami'al-Khayrat of the Nizam family, composed by Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Rukn al-Din Muhammad, who got married with Rashid's daughter and was a nd'ib of Rashid's son, wazir Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad.
The former deed, Waqfnama-yi Rab'-i Rashidi, records idrars imposed on Tabriz and many hamlets in three districts (nahiya) around Tabriz, which were made into waqfs: 1795 dinar from allowances (ihtisabiyat) fixed on Tabriz and its suburb, and 1295 dinar from taxes and qopchur tax laid on the districts.
The latter deeds, Jami'al-Khayrat, contains forty-four waqf endowment deeds or summaries of waqfs. Of them, seventeen deeds made idrars into waqfs. All of them were made waqfs by Shams al-Din Muhammad. Only one of them, 1000 dinar, had been a bequest of his father, Rukn al-Din Muhammad, a part of which sheikhs and scholars of Yazd donated to him and the rest of which was left from generation to generation in the family. Fifteen of them was stipends which Shams al-Din Muhammad gained the profits from taxes on different hamlets or cities as Yazd, Tabriz, Qum and others, the total of which is over 8000 dinar.
According to analysis of these documents, idrar can be clearly defined as pension or stipend for beneficiaries in cash, based on and expended from a definite tax imposed on a definite city or hamlet. It was a beneficiary's right of property which he could bequeath and transmit by sale. It was not such as ‘fief’ or ‘grant of land and rent’ as Petrushevsky defined. Nasir al-Din's tract on finance, which Petrushevsky also used as one of his sources, specifies idrar as stipend, and the examples of deeds about idrar contained in Nakhchiwani's Dastur al-Katib, which he analyzed as his main source, wrote idrar from tamgha tax or jizya tax of dhimmi. The documentation of these deeds and sources makes us reconsider the feudalistic notion about the Mongol domination.

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