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  • 牧野 邦昭
    歴史と経済
    2021年 63 巻 4 号 42-44
    発行日: 2021/07/30
    公開日: 2023/07/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―五四期の北京大学学生訪日団団員黄日葵の『贈賀川豊彦先生』を中心に―
    庾 凌峰
    法政論叢
    2018年 54 巻 2 号 179-
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/09/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 南森 茂太
    経済学史研究
    2021年 63 巻 1 号 82-83
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2022/01/13
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 朱 海燕
    アジア研究
    2016年 62 巻 3 号 69-85
    発行日: 2016/04/30
    公開日: 2016/08/24
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper discusses how China’s relations with other nations, especially with Soviet Russia had an impact on the Anti-Christian Movement in the year of 1922 in China. The Anti-Christian Movement started with the establishment of the Anti-Christian Student Federation (Fei Chituchiao hsüehsheng t’ungmeng). The main purpose of this federation was to protest against the 11th conference of the World Student Christian Federation (WSCF) at Tsinghua College in Beijing. Previous studies have revealed that the federation was formed by the Socialist Youth Corp in Shanghai. But the debate still continues at the motivation of the federation to start the Anti-Christian Movement. Its relationship with the Great Federation of Anti-Religionists (Fei tsungchiao ta t’ungmeng), another (anti-Christian) federation that had a nationwide influence, has not been fully figured out yet.

    The present study, examining publications such as newspapers of the time and memoirs, clarifies that: 1) anti-capitalism and anti-Christian thought expressed in the Congress of the Toilers of the Far East and the Congress of the Revolutionist Organizations of the Far East were the significant factors which drove the Chinese communists to the Anti-Christian Movement. Considering the fact that the two congresses were held in Soviet Russia against the Washington Conference, the Anti-Christian Movement in 1922, in a sense, was the manifestation of the conflict between Russian Bolshevism and American Protestantism in China; 2) unlike Anti-Christian Student Federation which was founded on socialist ideology in Shanghai, the Great Federation of Anti-Religionists in Beijing was grounded on the Anti-Religion Thought, which emerged during the time of the May Fourth Movement and the New Culture Movement. It was, however, the communists who took a leading role in the formation of both federations. And they listened to the intention of the leading Socialist Youth Corp in Shanghai; 3) one of the significant factors which contributed to the expansion of the Anti-Christian Movement among students and intellectuals throughout China was the Anti-Religion Thought, which was influenced by an enlightenment thought during the New Culture Movement (Renaissance) among Chinese intellectuals. It may be said that the Anti-Christian Movement was an direct extention of the enlightenment movement started by the New Culture Movement. It became increasingly radicalized, however, as communists began to participate in it with political purposes; 4) the radical anti-capitalistic and anti-Christian thought was finally formulated by the resolusion of the 1st Conference of the Social Youth Corp in Guangzhou in May 1922. Then after the First United Front, the radical thought further spread to the Chinese Nationalist Party (the Kuomintang).

  • 今井 航
    アジア教育
    2022年 16 巻 106-109
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/03/02
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 編集委員会
    社会主義理論研究
    2021年 1 巻 1 号 89-101
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/11/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 佐藤 慎一
    法制史研究
    2009年 58 巻 285-292
    発行日: 2009/03/30
    公開日: 2014/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―中国の廃娼運動における「幼女」をめぐって―
    周 筱
    21世紀東アジア社会学
    2019年 2019 巻 10 号 134-148
    発行日: 2019/08/31
    公開日: 2019/12/04
    ジャーナル フリー

      Youjyo is a term only used in sexual offenses under penal code of China, meaning female who is under 14 years old. Recently until 2015, a heated dispute about Youjyo, whether Youjyo should be interpreted as ‘Prostitute’ or ‘Child’, was risen even though two categories’ connotations were opposite. This study starts with a question why Youjyo is being explained in terms of both ‘prostitute’ and ‘child’. Attempting to give an answer to the coexistence of ideal of sex equality and child protection in the term Youjyo, the analysis on this paper introduced historical perspective.
      By exploring prostitution-abolition movement of China, this paper shows that two narratives of females under 14 coexisted temporarily. One is ‘prostitute’ based on ideal of sex equality. In this narrative, females under 14 were seen as ‘socially unfortunate women’ and should be relieved from feudal imperialistic inequality. In contrast, as ideal of child protection grows, the term ‘Youjyo’ was created. In this narrative, females under 14 were protected as ‘national next generation’. But after a while, prostitution-abolition movement was regarded successful and ‘prostitute’, or even prostitution itself, was regarded to be rooted out. Therefore, females under 14 were recognized as ‘Youjyo’ since ‘prostitute’ that represented ‘social unfortunate woman’ were no longer usable.
      Previous researches show that in China, there is a distance between researches on prostitution and child prostitution. One is focusing on woman while another is focusing on child. However, issues such as Enjyokousai, young people engaging in sexual intercourse deliberately is emerging as a social problem. Thus, the distance between prostitution and child prostitution can no longer be maintained, and the distinction of child/adult would no longer sufficient while narrating young people, so perspective of gender should be added. Therefore, it is necessary to explore the interspace between sexual equality and child protection.

  • 熊本 史雄
    現代中国
    2022年 2022 巻 96 号 176-181
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/06/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 王 美平
    アジア太平洋討究
    2019年 35 巻 116-128
    発行日: 2019/01/31
    公開日: 2022/09/16
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

    As an important representative of Japanese Asianism during the First World War, on the basis of the understanding of the China “terminally ill”, Kenkiti Kotera (1877–1949)’s China policy both advocated “Sino Japanese collaboration theory” and “China preservation and transformation theory”, also advertised “aggressive self-defense theory” and “vassal states discard theory”; over China’s policy in Europe and the United States he not only singed forward “confrontation of the East and the West civilization”, “yellow race competition” and others, but also asserted “maintaining the status quo”“and “international coordination” at present; on the external expansion policy advocacy economic instruments at the same time do not rule out the use of force. This “one integrity with both sides” suggests that Kenkiti Kotera himself didn’t break through the strategy framework of “take off Asia and go into Europe” and his Asianism deeply integrated into Japan’s China policy during the First World War later was inherited and used by Shidehara diplomacy and military fascism who took what they need.

  • (小特集:近現代中国・台湾をめぐる政治思想史研究の現在)
    孫 宏雲, 石黒 亜維
    現代中国
    2022年 2022 巻 96 号 93-108
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/06/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 許紀霖の非マルクス主義的普遍主義を批判する
    大西広
    社会主義理論研究
    2023年 3 巻 1 号 54-70
    発行日: 2023/11/24
    公開日: 2024/01/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 生田 頼孝
    華南研究
    2014年 1 巻 73-86
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2019/03/08
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 중국 현대민속학의 사학적(史學的) 근원성과 민족성
    웨 융이, 김 호걸
    日常と文化
    2023年 11 巻 175-192
    発行日: 2023/03/31
    公開日: 2023/04/02
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 陳独秀と「中国」の歴史社会学的考察
    穐山 新
    ソシオロジ
    2006年 51 巻 1 号 53-68,211
    発行日: 2006/05/31
    公開日: 2016/03/23
    ジャーナル フリー
     The purpose of this article is to clarify how the nationalism of an individual is constructed and enforced, from the "social fields" which surround the individual. In particular, I want to describe some aspects of the historical sociological condition of Chinese nationalism in the early twentieth century, by examining the nationalist discourse and social fields of Chen Duxiu, one of the most famous intellectuals in modern China. The following are the social fields from which Chen' s nationalism was constructed.
     First, there was the social field of the state. Because he was a student of the examination in the Chinese Dynasty, he accepted the nationalism of "Zhongguo" which elites of the examination, such as Liang Qichao, advocated. Second, there was the social field of journalism. Chen endeavored to activate debates and communication that that rescued from extinction and rebirth the nation as "Zhongguo" by radically denying the existing traditional "Zhongguo". Finally, there was the social field of the urban popular movement. For Chen, the May 4th movement in 1919 was an event that could connect the "patriotism" of defending a territory with a universal idea of "the people".
     Thus, though Chen did not consciously insist on a political ideology of nationalism, he interpreted the experience of life and of nationalism within social fields as a particular form of discourse. In this sense, nationalism could be described as a "collective unconscious", constructed by the tacit power of the social fields within which individuals are living.
  • 市川 紘司
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2018年 83 巻 745 号 573-582
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     This paper aims to grasp how Tiananmen Square was used in the May Fourth Movement 1919 which is regarded as a landmark incident of modern history in China, as well as in repeated mass movements that occurred in 1920s Beijing mainly by using newspapers.
     The May Fourth Movement started with a student protest in Beijing on May 4th, 1919, and ended on June 28th 1919 when the Republic of China (ROC) declined to sign the Treaty of Versailles. The first place that the protesters gathered on May 4th, 1919 was Tiananmen Square. Previous research gives the following three reasons why Tiananmen Square was used as a gathering place: 1) convenience as a key traffic stop, 2) openness as a public space, and 3) closeness to foreign embassies. In addition to these three reasons, this paper pointed out that the speech events held by Peking University in November 1918 in celebration of the World War I victory can be considered as a fourth reason. But after the first day, the students who participate the May Fourth Movement did not use the Tiananmen Square and distributed flyers and speech at various places in the city area, because the Square was sealed by Beijing police forces.
     After the May Fourth Movement, mass movements began happening frequently in Beijing. By investigating two newspapers called "Morning Post" and "Shuntian Times", events occurred at Tiananmen Square total 29 in 9 years from 1919 to the end of the Beijing Government of the ROC, of which there were 23 mass movements. Table 1 summarizes the characteristics of the mass movements that happened in Tiananmen Square during this period, and shows that the Square began to be used not only by students but also by business groups and workers in Beijing, that the scale of the movements expanded, and that the movements were often hindered by government authorities. And some unique uses of the space were also discovered in Table 1. In these mass movements, the people temporarily installed a speech podium at the center of Tiananmen Square and used the Square as meeting place or last destination of the demonstration activities in surrounding city streets.
     Comparing the usage of Tiananmen Square before and after the May Forth Movement, it is possible to find clear differences. One example of use before the May Fourth Movement is the military parade by the first president Yuan Shikai on the ROC's National Foundation Day, 1913. Yuan's military parade was held by Beijing Government of the ROC, used Tiananmen as a viewing stage of the president, and used only the Square without using the surrounding city streets, and was quite different from the characteristics of the usage of the mass movements after the May Fourth Movement, which were led by students and workers, temporarily installed a speech podium on the Square, and used the square together with the demonstration activities in streets. It is interesting that the usage of Tiananmen Square sharply changed before and after the May Fourth movement, but the space structure of the Square is almost unchanged except for a railroad track laid in 1924. It can be said that such situation seen in Tiananmen Square before and after the May Fourth movement is similar to Tokyo's Imperial Palace Sqaure or Hanoi's Ba Dinh Square before and after World War II.
  • 中国の現代民俗学における史学的性質と民族性
    岳 永逸, 宗 暁蓮
    日常と文化
    2023年 11 巻 79-93
    発行日: 2023/03/31
    公開日: 2023/04/02
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 五四運動と大正モダニズム
    緒形 康
    経済史研究
    2021年 24 巻 49-81
    発行日: 2021/01/31
    公開日: 2021/03/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 芥川龍之介「上海游記」に関する考証
    鄒 波, 山本 幸正
    アジア・文化・歴史
    2023年 14 巻 48-106
    発行日: 2023/05/31
    公開日: 2023/05/06
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
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