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  • ―持明院流入木道伝書『勅撰之法』を手がかりに―
    宮本 淳子
    書学書道史研究
    2023年 2023 巻 33 号 15-28,104-103
    発行日: 2023/10/31
    公開日: 2024/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー

      “Chokusen-no-ho” in the collection of Tayasu Bunko, National Institute of Japanese Literature, is a Jimyoin- jubokudō densho describing the calligraphic style used in copying the Kokin wakashū(Collection of Ancient and Modern Japanese Poetry). It provides specific guidelines on the number of Chinese characters to be included along with kana when writing waka poems and how to write them, as well as the layout of the characters and the number of letters. The purpose of this paper is to examine the “Chokusen-no-ho” and its variant manuscripts, to understand what the calligraphers and their students have focused on, and to clarify some of the changes in the writing style of the ancient manuscripts of kokin wakashu(Kokin wakashu Ko-shahon).

      As a result of the study, we confirmed that several Jubokudō Densho contain descriptions of writing style (number of lines and number of consecutive Chinese characters). Some of the later Jubokudō Densho were found to be highly reproducible by the people to whom they were handed down, such as those with a template, which shows how much importance was attached to the Chokusenshū style of writing. What is noteworthy is the instruction for cases where a single line cannot contain an entire poem. If the end of a line break in a poem ends (“Motokusa”) in more than five characters, it requires the selection of “Mana” and limits the number of consecutive Chinese characters to no more than five. However, “Kanataru-moji” (e.g., spring, summer, fall, winter) can be used consecutively for the “Mana.”

      In the second half of this paper, we have confirmed that there is no discrepancy between the descriptions in the densho and the actual writings. Using Jimyoin Motosada's “Kokin wakashū” as an example, we reported that it is consistent with the descriptions in “Chokusen-no-ho,” and argued that it is necessary to pay attention to the fact that these writing styles probably occurred in connection with changes in the writing style and number of lines in Kokin wakashū, which was transcribed from the Middle Ages to the early modern period.

  • 小野 佐和子
    ランドスケープ研究
    2001年 65 巻 5 号 365-370
    発行日: 2002/03/30
    公開日: 2011/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
    柳沢信鴻の時代, 六義園では, 土筆・茸・栗などの採取が楽しまれ, 採取された庭の産物は, 自家消費の外, 贈答品として用いられた。本稿では, 柳沢信鴻の『宴遊目記』をもとに, 庭の産物のやりとりの様態を明らかにする。庭の産物は, 親族や趣味を同じくする仲間といった身近な人々に贈られ, その贈答は偶然性と恣意性のもとにある点で年中行事や儀礼に伴う贈答品と異なる。信鴻自身の採取・収穫物, 季節のしるし, 興趣の対象, 園の自然の豊かさの現れであることに, 庭の産物の贈答品としての特徴を認めうる。庭の産物を贈ることは, 贈る相手との間に親密さを作り出すと共に, 信鴻が, 園の自然の豊かさの分配者であり, 園の掌握者であることを示した。
  • 史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 11 号 2097-2124
    発行日: 2000/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山本 英貴
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 9 号 1574-1596
    発行日: 2012/09/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this article is to examine the relationship between the Tokugawa Bakufu and Japan's feudal domains from the time of the Kansei Era reforms, which began in 1787, through the Kyowa Era, ending in 1804, by portraying a comprehensive picture of the scandal of 1801 involving feudal domain representatives stationed in Edo (rusui 留守居) and their concurrent punishment. The author begins by analyzing the Bakufu deliberations regarding how the rusui were to be punished, questioning of the suspects by Bakufu superintendent Inoue Moritoshi and Moritoshi's recommendations to top feudal domain officers concerning punishment, in order to understand the incident from beginning to end. Of the 59 top domain officers ordered to punish their rusui, 30 were feudal lords (daimyo 大名) who were in attendance before the Shogun in the Teikan Hall at Edo Castle, meaning that they had been allies (fudai 譜代) of Tokugawa Ieyasu. Next, the author turns to the developments within the feudal establishment after the incident and the problems facing the related research to date, which has been retarded due to historiographical reasons. In particular, the author points to the spontaneity with which the Teikan Hall daimyo chose to discipline their rusui, showing that there were those among them who were not marked for punishment, a fact which demonstrates the great impact which the scandal exerted on the feudal domains. Finally, the author examines reasons why the rusui under provincial scale (kunimochi 国持) daimyo and the Tokugawa Ieyasu family domains (gosanke 御三家) were not punished. He shows that punishing the kunimochi rusui would have dealt a serious blow to the Shogunates's prestige and authority, while punishing the gosanke rusui would have provided the pretense for the elders (tukekaro 付家老) of those domains, many of whom were descendants of fudai daimyo vassals, to elevate themselves to the level of "daimyo." The author concludes that while the Bakufu during the Kyowa Era exhibited a high degree of severity in dealing with the rusui scandal, it was also forced to give careful consideration to all of the affair's possible ramifications and nuances. Moreover, such thoroughness was a characteristic feature of Bakufu operations during that time and an important factor in its relationship with the country's feudal domains.
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