The main theme of Japanese Academy of Budo was to study the history and technology of Japanese Budo. It would be necessarry for us to research the combat Sports is the Orient after this. Taking part in the 3rd Chinese International Shorin Bujutsu tournament, I consider about the form and substance of Bujutsu tournament and the history of Shorin Bujutsu.
1) Shorin Bujutsu was the roots of chinesebujutsu. At 5 centuries, some priests have practiced Shorin Bujutsu at Shorin temple. According to Kikoshinsyo written by Keisekiko, the founder of Snorin Bujutsu was Chokyoin who devised 32 kenpou and bludgeon. Priests practicing kenpou based on kick named Hokuken and people practicing kenpou based on push with hands named Nan Ken. Also there was the arts of fencing, whip, sward and stick in Shorin Bujutsu.
2) There are Shorin-ken, Taikyoku-ken, Nan-ken, Sword, Stick and Bludgeon in Kata contest of Bujutsu tournament. Each player does not make a bow each other because of practicing it as Bujutsu rather than as Budo. As a match called Sanda, they combat each other with push, kick and throwing. A contestant matches 10 classes of weightism and puts on protecter. The technique of winning is to be seen by throwing rather than pushing and kicking.

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The Shosho-ryu Yawara during the Edo period is said to have been passed down as a secret jujutsu martial art only within Morioka domain. Today, however, many aspects of the names and classifications of the various techniques that make up the Shosho-ryu Yawara remain unknown, as do the details of each technique. The primary source used as research material until now-scrolls belonging to the Takahashi Family, a Shosho-ryu sect-is not enough to clarify the names and details of all the Shosho-ryu Yawara techniques. This is because a special feature of the Shosho-ryu Yawara is that when the master teaches his disciple a technique, he does not teach it fully. Hence, it is difficult to encompass all the Shosho-ryu Yawara techniques using only the scrolls handed down to a single sect.

The authors of this paper felt it essential to identify new primary sources. Our investigations resulted in the discovery of 13 scrolls at the Hanamaki Nitobe Memorial Hall in Hanamaki City, Iwate Prefecture, which had been kept as a record of the Shosho-ryu Yawara techniques and licenses handed down within the Eiichi Nitobe family. We annotated and reprinted all 13 of these scrolls so that the names and details of all the Shosho-ryu Yawara techniques can be organized and classified into a highly valuable source material. It turned out that the Nitobe family scrolls contained not only the list of techniques (names), but also included how to initiate these moves and their underlying knowledge. This is expected to greatly advance the academic understanding of the Shosho-ryu Yawara techniques.

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The main purpose of this study was to verify the process of formation and development of the concept of aiki used by Morihei Ueshiba, the founder of Aikido, and his disciples. The main points can be summarized as follows:
1. The term aiki has been used to refer to particular martial arts techniques and to a spiritual state that can be experienced by practicing Aikido. Morihei taught aiki as a technique, as shown in the memorandum of the Japanese Imperial Navy Admiral Isamu Takeshita around 1930. Kisshomaru Ueshiba, Morihei Ueshiba's son, also introduced these techniques in his book, “Techniques of Aikido” (1962), etc. However, neither Morehei Ueshiba nor his son explained about aiki in detail. Kenji Tomiki and Gozo Shioda used aiki as a term of technique, but they do not seem to have taught techniques under the name of aiki.
2. Onisaburo Deguchi, the head of Omoto-kyo, used the expressions “the union between a kami and a mortal” in 1921 and “the great love of the kami” in 1935, which Morihei later emphasized in relation to aiki. Omoto-kyo heavily influenced the building of Morihei's thoughts on aiki and Aikido. Aiki was likened to the great love of the Universe, Heaven and Earth, or the kami who nurtures all nature and mortals. In short, a) aiki is the union between the kami as love, and mortals, hence the practice of aiki is the purification of mind and body; b) the practice of Aikido creates a paradise for mortals on earth; c) because the kami does not oppose anyone, a practitioner does not oppose in Aikido. Morihei's thought influenced the policy of the succeeding organization of Aikido through Kisshomaru.
3. Morihei's four main pupils inherited his thoughts through several arrangements. Shioda explained aiki as “a technique for following the laws of nature”. Tohei insisted that aiki is “the union between the ki in heaven and earth and a mortal”. Sunadomari interpreted aiki as a combative technique and a divine work. Tomiki understood the term in two ways: one is a technique that falls into the category of kuzushi (balance-breaking), and the other is the unity of ki (energy) between nature and man. As to the way that Aikido should develop in the future, we need to study further Morihei's thoughts and their development under his pupils.

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The purpose of this study is to clarify the process of acceptance regarding the characteristics of Japanese swords in Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu “紀效新書”. Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu is a Chinese book on martial arts that was written in the 16th century. There were two editions of this book, one was published around 1560-1566 (the earlier edition), and the other was published in 1584 (the later edition).
In this paper, we focused on the yao-dao “腰刀” and the chang-dao “長刀” in those two editions of the book. The conclusions of our study are :
1. The yao-dao in the earlier edition has some special features that were adopted from the Japanese sword such as a single edge, a long thin edge, and an edge that is longer than the hilt, and a slightly curved edge. The yao-dao was used with a shield made of cane in the earlier edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu. In the traditional Chinese military idea, a sword was used with a wooden shield, and both the sword and shield were very heavy. The yao-dao and a shield made from cane were lighter than the traditional Chinese swords and shields, therefore, these new weapons replaced the old ones. Through this process, some features of the Japanese sword were accepted in the earlier edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu.
2. In the later edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu, the yao-dao and the chang-dao were described. There was an explanation about how to make the yao-dao, and some special features that came from the Japanese sword were described in the explanations. While both the yao-dao and the chang-dao have special features that come from Japanese sword, they are distinguished from each other by the total length of the sword with the chang-dao being longer than the yao-dao. The yao-dao was used with a shield made from cane, and the chang-dao was used with a rifle in the later edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu. In the earlier edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu, the chang-dao and rifle were also described, however, there were no explanations in detail. In addition, there was no guidance given on how to use the chang-dao with a rifle. In the later edition of Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu, the special features of the Japanese sword were accepted through the military idea such as using the chang-dao with a rifle.

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“BUGEI-ZUFU-TSUUSHI (Korean, Muye-Tobo-Tongji)” was published in 1790. This has been the most representative book of material arts in Korea. Some sword arts, for example, SOUSHUTOU (Ssangusudo), EITOU (Yedo), WAKEN (Oegum), KOUSENFU (Gyojoenbo), TEITOKUKEN (Jedoggum)(Jedoggum) and HONGOKUKEN (Bongukgum) are found in this book. The purpose of this study was to clarify the relationship between these sword arts and Japan between the ones and China.
The Results can be summarized as follows.
1. SOUSYUTOU was affected by WAKOU (Japanese pirates), KOUWA (Japanese prisoners of the Invasion of Korea by Toyotomi Hideyoshi) and the drillmasters of Ming China army in the process of its formation.
2. EITOU was affected by Japanese-Korean trades in the process of its formation.
3. WAKEN and KOUSENFU were affected by CHOUSEN-TSUUSHINSHI (Korean missions to Japan) in the process of their formation.
4. TEITOKUKEN was affected by the drillmasters of Ming China army.5. HONGOKUKEN was affected by the thought of Korean nationalism in those days.

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Quanjing is the first document that gives a comprehensive survey of Chinese civilian martial arts. It presumably affected greatly the establishment of martial arts of following generations, especially Taichi, and is an epoch-making material in the history of Chinese martial arts.

No past studies, however, discussed why martial arts, which are less effective than armed martial arts in actual fighting, were adopted as military martial arts in wartime and what part of Quanjing connected civilian martial arts and Taichi. This research aims to clarify the concept of Quanjing and its role. The following is the writer's analysis.

As to the concept, Quanjing indicates that martial arts have two concepts. One is the “toward others" concept that includes self-defense, basics of armed martial arts, and developing a robust body to overpower an enemy. The other is the “toward oneself" concept that emphasizes the physical aspect of turning a weak body into a robust one. Unlike Japanese martial arts that emphasize the spiritual aspect, Chinese martial arts tend to focus more on training the body than on disciplining the mind. This characterizes the difference between Japanese martial arts and Chinese martial arts.

As to the role, martial arts are intended to help people train their hands, feet, and limbs to build the base of a robust body for martial arts, and are evaluated highly as the base to support actual fighting, though they are not of direct help in a war.

The establishment of Quanjing changed civilian martial arts that had the limited concept of killing and wounding others and consolidated them into martial arts that share the “toward oneself" concept focusing on the body. This is an important point that connected the ancient civilian martial arts and Taichi, and was an epoch-making event in establishing martial arts with the concept of health promotion in the modern Chinese martial arts.

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This study aims to clarify the transition process from Chenshi Quanfa to Yangshi Taichi. In examining the transition process, we considered the following four questions.
1. Why did the change from actual fighting to the concept of improving health and fitness occur in the minds of these two martial arts leaders?
2. Did Yang try to establish Taichi with the purpose of improving health in mind from the very beginning?
3. Why did Yang, who was an excellent fighter himself, make his Quanfa known as a health management method?
4. What specific changes occurred over the three Yangshi generations?
The answer to the first question is thought to lie in differences in social conditions, geographical factors, and the purpose of instruction. The same is true of the third question.
As to the answer to the second question, we found that Yang Luchan initially tried to publicize his Taichi as an actual fighting martial art rather than designating it as a method of improving health and fitness.
Based on the above analysis, we can summarize the transition process from Chenshi Quanfa to Yangshi Taichi as follows. Chenshi Quanfa, which was characterized both as an actual fighting technique and for improving health, was exported to the world outside Chen Jia Gou through the efforts of Yang Luchan. Yang Luchan and Yang Banhou lived in turbulent times, and they initially contributed much to the character of the actual fighting that featured Chenshi Quanfa. As they developed Chenshi Quanfa, however, they increasingly emphasized its usefulness for improving health to cope with social conditions, geographical factors, and differences in instruction methods. Yang Chengfu, who was Yang Luchan's grandson, established the current Yangshi Taichi, which focuses on the concept of improving health and fitness. It is the writer's belief that this process is the answer to the fourth question.

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Eight trigrams sect (Pa-kua-chiao 八卦教) was the most popular religious secret society in north China through the Ch'ing dynasty, and in the process of its expansion we can often find a lot of boxing training by its members. In this paper we will consider the relationship between the Eight trigrams sect and boxing training such as I-ho-chuan (義和拳), etc.. Eight trigrams sect is said to have been founded by a man called Li Ting-yu (李廷玉) in either the Shun Chih (順治) or Kang Hsi (康煕) reign periods at the beginning of the Ch'ing dynasty. It was organized according to the principle of the division into eight trigrams, and also divided into a "Wen" (文) or literary sect, and a "Wu" (武) or military one which had widely developed itself ; the society consisted of four "Wen" trigrams and four "Wu" trigrams. The combination of Eight trigrams sect and boxing training had already taken place in early Yung Cheng (雍正) period. In the Wang Lun (王倫) rebellion (1774), which was raised by a society called Ching-Shui-Chiao (清水教), a branch of the Eight trigrams sect, the boxing styles used inside the sect had been Pa-kua-chuan (八卦拳, Eight trigrams boxing), Chi-hsin-hung-chuan (七星紅拳 Seven star red boxing), and I-he-chuan (義合拳, Righteous harmony boxing). From this we can see that the I-ho-chuan was the same as the White Lotus religion or more precisely as the boxing which had combined with the military sect of Eight trigrams sect, Ching-Shui-chiao. From the incident of the I-ho-chuan in 1778, 1783 and 1786, we can guess that the I-ho-chuan had close relationship with the Li (離) trigram, a branch of the Eight trigrams sect. In 1813, Eight trigrams sect raised an uprising. A careful examination of the materials on the boxing in this uprising such sources as those on general leader of the military sect, Feng Ke-shan (馮克善), the group members led by Sung Yueh-lung (宋躍〓) and the case of Ke Li-yeh (葛立業) who learned and practiced I-ho school boxing (義和門拳棒), show that I-ho school boxing had been practiced inside Sung Yueh-lung's group in the Chili-Shantung boundary area, and that this group belonged to the chain of Li trigram. Hence we can easily identify the I-ho school as one of small regional group in the Li trigram in Eight trigrams sect. It becomes clear that the reason why boxing was combined with the Li trigram, representative of Wu trigrams, depends on the principle of organization. The boxing practiced in the Eight trigrams sect had been influenced by its religious thought, and came to have incantationary-religious characteristics, The I-ho-chuan and Eight trigrams sect in Chin-hsiang (金郷) county seem as though they were in conflict, but this example proves that there was a close relationship between the two. It is clear that historically boxing such as the I-ho-chuan, Pa-kua-chuan, etc., expanded widely in the north-west Chili-Shantung boundary area and south-west region of Shantung, by maintaining continuous relationship with Eight trigrams sect. Another phenomenon, however, also appeared. Social disturbance and confusion after the late Tao-Kuang (道光) period, brought about a wide expansion of the boxing training that was not directly related with Eight trigrams sect. The boxing which had combined with Eight trigrams sect, though taking on religious character, gradually started to secede from it, was accepted as a function of violence or defence in rural society. In the Hsien-Feng (咸豊) and Tung-Chih (同治) Periods, boxing which had permeated into rural society gradually came to be related to "Tuan militia" (団) and the "Allied village societies" (lianzhuanghui 連荘会) coexisted with the order of rural society, and built up the social foundation for the organization of I-ho-chuan society. Eight trigrams sect, not only scattered widely in this way, but also combined forces with bandits in the process of the mutual permeation with

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the origins of the modern kata in karate-do by examining the 15 kinds of kata, or forms, described by Gichin Funakoshi in his major study that appeared in three volumes: Ryūkyū Kenpō Karate (1922); Rentan Goshin Karatejutsu (1925); and Karate-dō Kyōhan (1935), in which the term “toudi” was changed to “karate”.

The kata are divided into three phases: “initial movement”, “development of technique”, and “closing movement”. The first and last of these phases are most important when trying to understand the similarities and differences in terms of movements, and when seeking to comprehend the styles of, and transitions in, kata.

When demonstrating karate-do, the principle of “begin with rei; end with rei” was established by adapting modern Japanese educational manners to both the “initial movement” and “closing movement”. The presence of onlookers at a demonstration had a particularly significant effect not only on these two phases, but also on the transformation of the symbolic movements made. One may therefore conclude that karate-do was transformed into a new system of techniques. The influence of modern physical education can be seen in the concept of group practice, in the way performers occupy a space and stand to attention, and in the teaching method involving the giving of orders to performers.

It is clear that Funakoshi’s system was not modeled on any Chinese exemplar. He makes no reference to Chinese martial arts and manners in his 15 kinds of kata, nor is there any mention of these three phases of kata in the Bubishi, a study of Chinese martial arts that was widely known in Okinawa during the Taisho and Showa eras.

For these reasons, we must conclude that Funakoshi based his karate-do on a Ryukyu style of karate that belonged to a post-Chinese culture, and founded it to promote modern physical education and Japanese martial arts.

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The purpose of this study is to research about the usage of a symbol of Geom “劔” in the books of Korean martial arts which was written in Choson Yi dynasty, and to mention about that the background of the usage in Korea. There are two types of symbols to describe a sword. One of them is Geom “劔” that means as a sword with double edges. Another one is Do “刀” that means as a sword with a single edge. We focused on it and analyzed the descriptions in the books. We also researched about the background of these issues and found some of circumstances in the Korean history. The conclusions of this study are as below.
1. Some of the techniques of a sword with a single edge in the books of Korean martial arts were taken from the book named Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu “紀效新書” that was written in Ming dynasty China. To describe the techniques of a sword with a single edge, the symbol of Do “刀” was used in the Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu in Ming dynasty China; however, the same kind of techniques were described with the symbol of Geom“劔” in the Korean martial arts books. Ji-Xiao-Xin-Shu was also published in Choson Yi dynasty, then the technique of a sword with a single edge was described with the symbol of Geom “劔”.
2. Mye-jebo “武藝諸譜” is one of the books of Korean martial arts. The usage of a symble of Geom “劔” in Mye-jobo effected to the usages in the other Korean martial arts books.
3. The usage of the symbol of Geom “劔” for a sword with a single edge was found in some of books about Korean courtesy rituals that were written in the middle of the 15th century.
4. A single edged sword called Geom “劔” was wore in the early times of Korean courtesy rituals. We think that the custom influenced the usage of a symbol of Geom “劔” in the books of Korean martial arts.
5. We also think that some of the traditional idea that was related to the symbol of Geom “劔” in Tang, Sung China, and ancient Korea influenced the usage of a symbol of Geom “劔” in the books of Korean martial arts.

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Following its reform and opening-up, the local government of Wudang Mountains in Shiyan City, Hubei Province, has nurtured the local economy with tourism centered around Taoism’s sacred sites and natural landscapes. Entering the 2000s, Wudang martial arts began to receive attention as a competitive sport, and since 2010, the local government has positioned it as a key tourism resource, promoting the branding of the Wudang region. The purpose of this study is to explore how Wudang martial arts have been branded as a tourist attraction, comparable to the globally recognized Shaolin martial arts, particularly after 2010, and to elucidate the factors behind this development. The specific points of focus in this study are as follows:

1. The Wudang region is known as the birthplace of Quanzhen Taoism and is a sacred site for Taoism, but religious superstitious elements have limited state support. However, Wudang martial arts are widely recognized as “Taoist martial arts” and classified as one of the 129 recognized martial arts and positioned as a sport. This backdrop explores the potential to expand the region’s brand value and influence in the sports martial arts world through Wudang martial arts.

2. After focusing on martial arts in 2012, the shift was influenced by the lack of sufficient development in Wudang martial arts in the region by 2012 and the reinforcement of political propaganda following a reassessment of cultural policies after the Tiananmen Square incident in 1990. Patriotic propaganda through religious tourism was limited due to differences between Communist Party policies and religious philosophies, but the shift to martial arts strengthened the political propaganda function. The change in the tourism theme did not affect the goal of local economic development.

3. The local government of the Wudang region has intentionally constructed a scenario through the tourism industry with no academic basis: “Shaolin in the north, Wudang in the south,” This aims to challenge the “Wudang No Fist Theory” and improve the stance on the “Tai Chi origin theory.”

Such efforts by the local government may represent an example of the “invented tradition” concept suggested by Hobsbawm, potentially transforming a martial art that might not have substantially existed into a national martial art in modern China. This phenomenon, termed “invented martial arts,” indicates that the local government has reconstructed cultural values through local tourism and formed a new identity, as intended.

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Prior to the times of Jiajing (A.D.1521-1566), Japanese swords were often imported into China as tributes, trading goods and complimentary gifts, but there was no record that Chinese troops or civilians had learned and widely used Japanese swordplay, except for the imperial guards. Since the year of Jiajing 31 (A.D.1552), the massive Japanese invasion of the southeast coast of China made Chinese people notice the advantage of Japanese swordplay. Meanwhile Chinese army and civilians who loved Chinese wushu needed better sword skills,therefore Japanese swordplay became rapidly known and absorbed by them and spread among the folk people. At that time some members of the Chinese army were equipped with Japanese long swords; the warriors used cane shields, and the archers and the cavalry were equipped with Japanese waist broadswords. Training involved the repetition of solo patterns or routines first, followed by matches with other people. Some civilians who learned Japanese swordplay exercised mainly the routines, others mainly practiced a single pose or stance. The kind of Japanese swordplay that spread among civilians could be divided into two types: in one, people were trained by original Japanese swordplay; in the other one, people practiced Japanese swordplay with Chinese swordsmanship together, integrating Chinese swordplay and Japanese swordplay into a new kind of swordplay. In both cases, the practice of Japanese swordplay introduced into China was characterized by the use of patterns or routines.But the routines used by the Chinese army and the folk people were greatly different. In the army, the routine was laid out from the perspective of group training, so it was brief and simple; while the folk routine was laid out from an individual point of view, so it was long and complicated.

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