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  • 熊本第一区の場合
    酒井 正文
    選挙研究
    1989年 4 巻 63-83
    発行日: 1989/04/10
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 参議院封じ込め
    竹中 治堅
    選挙研究
    2008年 23 巻 5-19,212
    発行日: 2008/02/28
    公開日: 2011/05/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿は, 戦後日本政治における首相と参議院の関係を分析している。より具体的には, 首相は, 日本の国会制度における法案審議時間の制約と日本の議院内閣制における参議院の独自性を踏まえた上で, 内閣提出法案の成立を確実にするためにさまざまな方策を用いて, 法案審議以前の段階で予め法案に対する支持を参議院の多数派から獲得してきたことを明らかにしている。これまでの参議院研究では, 参議院の審議過程で法案の内容や成立が左右されることがないため, 参議院には限られた影響力しかないというカーボンコピー論が通説的地位を占めてきた。しかし, 本稿はその分析を通じて, 参議院の審議過程で法案の内容や成立が左右されることが少ないのは, 首相の法案成立に向けた事前の努力の結果に過ぎず, 参議院は法案審議以前の政治過程で広範な影響力を及ぼしていることを明らかにしている。
  • 一文部省提出陳情書を中心として一
    鳥居 美和子
    図書館学会年報
    1988年 34 巻 2 号 87-91
    発行日: 1988年
    公開日: 2021/11/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 第16回∼第20回総選挙における熊本第一区の投票結果の分析
    浅野 和生
    選挙研究
    1988年 3 巻 90-105
    発行日: 1988/03/25
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本占領の多角的研究
    進藤 榮一
    国際政治
    1987年 1987 巻 85 号 55-72,L9
    発行日: 1987/05/23
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The recent conservative trend in political science has been accompanied by the emergence of conservative interpretations of the occupation period. Among these revised views, the most conspicuous one is the high appraisal of Yoshida Shigeru, which elucidates Yoshida's politics as mainstream within the postwar Japanese conservative party. Yoshida is now seen as a main figure who contributed to the postwar political stability and economic prosperity of Japan.
    My close examinations of the first-hand historical materials of the postwar occupation period, such as the diaries of Ashida Hitoshi, however, have led me to question the validity of this conservative interpretation. Moreover, that interpretation contains the following theoretical defects. First, it has somewhat ignored the systemic approach of history. That is to say, this interpretation has underestimated the significance of discontinuity between prewar and postwar Japanese society. Consequently, feudalistic aspects of prewar Japanese society as well as the significance of the democratization of postwar Japanese society have been neglected. Naturally enough, this has led to the neglect of Yoshida's feudalistic values and a tendency to evaluate Yoshida as a liberal-conservative. The conservative interpretation has ignored the fact that Yoshida regarded the USSR as an expansionist state and his anti-communist stance has been somehow ignored.
    These interpretations have brought about, on the other hand, an oversimplified appraisal of Ashida as an “ultra-nationalist.” Accordingly, the importance of the Katayama-Ashida coalition government between the Japanese Social Democratic Party and the Democratic Party has not been emphasized adequately in these evaluations of the occupation period. The objective of this article is to attempt a reappraisal of the occupation period, particularly in the period of the coalition government as well as the politics and diplomacy of Ashida. This article is closely based upon the diaries of Ashida Hitoshi, which I recenty co-edited in seven volumes.
    The article contains the following major points:
    1. The conservative trend in interpretations of postwar history
    2. Continuity and discontinuity: the meaning of democratization in the postwar period
    3. Historian's interpretations of the “Konoye Memorial”
    4. Ashida's views on world affairs prior to the surrender of Japan
    5. The complexities of the Japanese constitution-making process
    6. The rise and fall of the coalition government
    7. The unknown battle over reform of the Imperial Household
    8. The partisan struggle for national control of the coal industry
    9. Economic recovery and the democratization of Japanese society
    10. A gap in Japanese historiography: A dilemma within Japanese liberalism
  • 今津 敏晃
    史学雑誌
    2003年 112 巻 10 号 1682-1705
    発行日: 2003/10/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this article is to show adjustment to the party rules by the leaders of the Kenkyukai, which was a party in the House of Peers, and influence of their activities on the political situation under the first WAKATSUKI Reijiro cabinet. By passing its act of manhood suffrage in 1925, the Japanese House of Representatives received firmer legitimacy. It was expected that party-led governments would continue, but that rebutted political action by the House of Peers. In particular the members of the Kenkyukai needed their legitimacy, because they had lost legitimacy on due to their coalition with the KATO Tomosaburo cabinet and KIYOURA Keigo cabinets, which were blamed for being partyless. Then KONOE Fumimaro advocated that the House of Peers should defer to the cabinet based on a majority in the Lower House. This seemed to be adequate for recoverring their legitimacy at first glance, but it was impossible to put into practice very easily, since there was no party with an absolute majority in the House of Representatives at that time and the parties were bickering among themselves. So the leaders of the Kenkyukai tried to form a majority in the House of Representatives by stabilizing the tumult, hoping that popularity and legitimacy would result from their action. At first they supported WAKATSUKI's government and tried to make it join hands with Seiyuhonto. But they suddenly began to blame the government for its maladministration in October in 1926. The turn of the front office of Kenkyukai tipped the scale.
  • 菅谷 幸浩
    法政論叢
    2009年 45 巻 2 号 120-153
    発行日: 2009/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to review the political power struggle for de-veloping a totalitarian single-party system, by analyzing how Fumimamo Konoe, his fellows, and the army coped with political parties' activities to re-organize the political world utilizing Konoe's new party campaign from the late 1930s to the early 1940s, in which the conflict among the national government, the army, and political parties became more fierce. The Shino-Japanese War, which broke out in the wake of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in July 1937, showed the sign of prolongation in 1938. Then, the first Konoe Cabinet resigned en bloc in January 1939. Later, the Hiranuma, Abe, and Yonai Cabinets were established as the national government, with the prime ministers being military personnel and bureaucrats. However, these three cabinets could not improve the situation, and Japan witnessed the deepening of political confrontation due to the prolongation of the Shino-Japanese War. On the other hand, the Japanese army aimed to back up Konoe with the purpose of unifying diplomatic measures in response to the peace overture toward China for terminating the war, and the central government aimed to reorganize the political world by organizing Konoe's New Party. Then, in July 1940, the Yonai Cabinet resigned en bloc, and the second Konoe Cabinet was established based on the supports from the army and political parties. This paper focuses on the domestic political visions and diplomatic policy visions of the army and political parties, elucidates the influences of the relation between the army and political parties on the politics before and after the inauguration of the second Konoe Cabinet, and then discusses the factors in the failure of "Konoe's New Systems" while considering the difference from the political plans of Konoe's fellows.
  • 伊藤 隆
    年報政治学
    1972年 23 巻 134-180
    発行日: 1973/03/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
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