As preliminary experiments of sero-epidemiological study on the inapparent infection of scrub typhus in Japan, the duration of the detectable antibody in sera of scrub tyhpus patients, who were attacked with the disease at the endemic area of Niigata prefecture or manifested the disease by the laboratory infection with R. orientalis, was investigated. The following results were obtained.
1) Among 6 patients who were once attacked with the disease within 5 years, five were positive in complement fixation test for R. orientalis.
2) Among 18 individuals with history of manifest infection 6 to 10 years ago, none was positive in CF antibody, although each 2 were positive among 2 groups of 11 and 5 individuals with the same history 11 to 20 years ago and over 20 years ago respectively.
3) Seventeen inhabitants of endemic area of Niigata prefecture and 7 individuals having been working at the rickettsial laboratory for several years without any apparent. infection of scrub typhus were tested by CFT. None of them gave positive.
4) Weil-Felix reaction (against OXK) on sera showing positive in CFT gave negative results in all except one which was taken from an individual who got the infection about 1 years ago.
From the foregoing, it can be said in general the CF antibody for R. orientalis may disappear within 5 to 10 years after infcetion, but it may exceptionally persist over 20, yeras even after a single infection. On the other hand, Weil-Felix antibody may disappear more rapidly than CF antibody.

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The calamity of the siege war of Wakamatsu Castle was beyond description. A group of daring women (joshigun) fought with halberds (naginata), while some mothers, thinking they would rather kill themselves than be encumbrances to the besieged or than fall into the enemy only to be outraged by them, stabbed their children and then fell on their swords.
Sutematsu, a sister of a retainer, entered the castle with her mother and sisters and survived the war. She was lucky to be chosen one of the girl students sent to America and, leading a happy life at a Puritan home, graduated from Vassar College with unprecedented honors. Soon after she came back to Japan she wrote a letter to an American friend of hers, saying : though they often say of dying for the honor of their country, I beieve it is much more difficult to live than to die for the country and what Japan needs most is a long sustained effort that can be made only by those who are anxious to serve this country.
We may say that Western learning in Aizu started early in the Meiji era when Yamakawa Kenjiro and her sister Sutematsu were sent to America for learning English studies by Kaitakushi (a government agency for the development of Hokkaido).
This paper concerns how English studies influenced upon Oyama Sutematsu who was typical of those women that, after living through the calamity of the siege war, led trag ical lives at their early age and eventually found a new way of living by the chance to learn and appreciate Cristianity and its culture.

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This paper examines the disarmament policy of the Imperial Japanese Army from the Paris Peace Conference to the Washington Conference.
There are few studies about the disarmament policy of the Japanese Army in international disarmament conferences in the inter war period, dispite the fact that there are many studies about the disarmament policy of the Japanese Navy. And many studies about problems of Japanese Army disarmament have been discussed as pure domestic problems, especially about the Yamanasi Disarmament and the Ugaki Disarmament. Actually, international disarmament conferences in the inter war period achieved few successes in the army disarmament, but it doesn't mean that the Japanese Army had no interest in that sort of thing. If anything, the Japanese Army showed deep interest in the progress of international disarmament conferences.
Before the Paris Peace Conference, the Japanese Army showed little concern about a disarmament. But, the Covenant which was established in the Paris Peace Conference had the article 8, the disarmament article. Since then, Japan, a permanent member of the League Council, had to comit international disarmament problems. Then the Japanese Army faced a real disarmament crisis almost for the first time. The Japanese Army sharply reacted this crisis and rejected the international disarmament practically on the pretext of national security.
But, circumstances of Japan such as the fall of the Russian Empire, the financial difficulties and especially the antimilitarism movement were against the Japanese Army. In these circumstances, some higher officers changed their traditional antidisarmament policy, and they sought people's support of the other millitary policies in exchange for the disarmament. TANAKA Giichi, the Minister of War, leaded them. Other officers, especially UEHARA Yusaku, the Chief of the Staff, folded fast to their antidisarmament policy.
The Washinton Conference was the first stage of the political strife between these two factions. Before the opening of the Conference, in the biginning, Uehara group had holded the initiative, and established their own Disarmament Program, almost the antidisarmament program. Prime Minister HARA Takashi and his main Cabinet ministers were anxious about the Army's hard attitude, and appealed to Tanaka and YAMAGATA Aritomo, an elder general and statesman who was a cooperator with Hara, to take measures to solve this problem. Dispite the fact that Tanaka group was inferior to that of Uehara one in that time, Tanaka group moderated the Army's firm antidisarmament policy. Finally, Tanaka group succeeded in making Uehara group submit disarmament partly. Althought it was a lax program, disarmament was generally accepted by the whole Army. It was the first step toward genuine disarmament undertakings, the Yamanasi Disarmament and the Ugaki Disarmament.

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