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  • 核軍備競争における米国の役割の再考
    黒崎 輝
    国際政治
    2011年 2011 巻 163 号 163_41-54
    発行日: 2011/01/20
    公開日: 2013/05/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    While the United States engaged in the nuclear arms race with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, it played a leading role in the general and complete disarmament (GCD) negotiation in the late 1950s and early 1960s. This article focuses on the fact that the reduction of nuclear delivery vehicles was a contentious issue between the Cold War enemies in the GCD negotiation, and examines how the U.S. government handled the matter as it strived to maintain U.S. nuclear superiority.
    Soon after the beginning of the GCD negotiation in 1959, the United States and the Soviets took different positions on the reduction of nuclear delivery vehicles. The latter proposed to abolish them at the first stage of the GCD process. This approach, however, was unacceptable for Washington because it would greatly reduce U.S. nuclear deterrent essential for the defense of the West particularly in Europe where the conventional military balance was in favor of the East. Moreover, the Eisenhower administration overestimated Soviet missile capabilities against a backdrop of the heated missile gap controversy. Although a U.S. disarmament plan included missile control measures in order to resist the Soviet propaganda offensive and to maintain the solidarity of the West, the Eisenhower administration had no intention to adopt such measures.
    The Kennedy administration's position on the reduction of nuclear delivery vehicles was heavily influenced by its obsession with U.S. nuclear superiority. In short, it preferred securing it through the nuclear arms race with the Soviets to making progresses in nuclear disarmament in cooperation with the Soviets at the expense of U.S. nuclear superiority. The Kennedy administration, which was deeply skeptical about Moscow, assumed that U.S. nuclear superiority had enhanced the credibility of U.S. nuclear deterrent not only to the Soviets but also to the U.S. allies. Therefore, although it studied such measures as the asymmetric reduction of nuclear delivery vehicles, for example, to parity with the Soviets and the reduction of nuclear delivery vehicles in advance of that of conventional weapons and armed forces, they were never proposed at the GCD negotiation.
    Of course, this doesn't mean that the United States should take all the responsibility for failing to achieve an agreement on the reduction of nuclear delivery vehicles and, more generally, to stop the Cold War nuclear arms race at that time. Nevertheless, it was ironic in retrospect that the Soviets attained parity with the United States in terms of the number of strategic nuclear delivery vehicles by the early 1970s. The U.S.-Soviet nuclear parity was achieved through competitive arms buildup rather than negotiated disarmament.
  • 黒崎 輝
    アメリカ研究
    2008年 42 巻 77-97
    発行日: 2008/03/25
    公開日: 2021/11/06
    ジャーナル フリー

    In the late 1950s and the early 1960s, people around the world faced the danger of nuclear holocaust. The US and the USSR, having acquired the hydrogen bombs, were developing the ballistic missiles such as ICBMs and SLBMs. Against the backdrop of the détente after Stalin’s death, the two nuclear powers were apparently stuck in nuclear stalemate. It, however, came into question if uncontrolled nuclear arms race would automatically lead to stable mutual deterrence between the two nations in view of the rapid technological evolution of their nuclear arsenals. How to manage the transition to stable mutual deterrence, thus, became a major issue of concern for such emerging fields of research as strategic and arms control studies in the US.

    This article focuses on the Pugwash Conferences and the role that American scientists played in the transnational non-governmental organization’s pursuit of disarmament under such circumstances; it is also an attempt to reconsider the history of the nuclear age from transnational perspectives. The Pugwash Conferences was organized in 1957, to provide a forum for scientists from the East and the West to discuss issues concerned with peace and security of the world during the Cold War. In the late 1950s and the early 1960s, the major topic of discussion was disarmament. Especially the reduction of nuclear danger and the prevention of a nuclear war were considered to be urgent. By the time the first conference was convened, however, distrust between the East and the West was so deep that nuclear disarmament seemed to be infeasible both technically and politically. Scientists could not ignore the formidable reality.

    In the early 1960s, minimum deterrence became one of the most contentious issues between American and Soviet scientists at the Pugwash conferences in relation to general and complete disarmament (GCD). Some American scientists, considering minimum deterrence as desirable and feasible to prevent a nuclear war and to restrain nuclear arms race in the interim, proposed disarmament schemes based on the concept. On the other hand, Soviet participants supported their government’s GCD proposal, opposing to nuclear deterrence intransigently. Although it was after the USSR’s concession to the West on GCD that Soviet scientists accepted minimum deterrence, American scientists helped create broad support for minimum deterrence by introducing it to and providing its logical and political foundations at the conferences.

    Consequently, the Pugwash Conferences came to seek ways to live with nuclear weapons, while striving to ease distrust between the East and the West. In fact, the Pugwash Conferences supported American-Soviet collaboration to form and maintain a strategic arms control regime based on the concept of mutual assured destruction during the Cold War. Nevertheless, nuclear arms race did not stop under the security framework. This was a disappointment for many scientists who were involved in the Pugwash movement, though humankind survived the Cold War. After all, the nuclear age is far from over even today. Ironically, however, American scientists’intellectual struggle to pursue the challenging goals without yielding to despair would remain worth remembering, unless we are set free from the nuclear threats.

  • 冷戦の終焉と六〇年代性
    橋口 豊
    国際政治
    2001年 2001 巻 126 号 52-64,L10
    発行日: 2001/02/23
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article attempts to examine the cooperation and friction among the Western allies with the focus on the Skybolt Crisis and the Nassau Agreement. The Skybolt Crisis arose from the inability to supply Skybolt missile by the United States (U. S.) to the United Kingdom (U. K.) in 1962. And the Nassau Agreement was signed for the solution of this crisis.
    The Skybolt crisis was an affair that caused intense friction between the U. S. and the U. K. following the Suez War. There was the unique British nuclear policy behind the crisis. The policy was based on the logic, so-called ‘dependence for independence.’ This means that the U. K. kept its autonomy in using missiles in order to maintain the independent status as a great power while accepting their supply from the U. S. The problem the Macmillan administration faced over the Skybolt affair was how the U. K. should coordinate independence with dependence on the U. S. That is to say, the Skybolt crisis was the crisis on the logic of ‘dependence for independence’ in British nuclear policy, thus the status of the U. K. as a great power was threatened.
    The restoration of the Skybolt crisis was made at the Nassau Conference. The Macmillan administration could obtain Polaris missiles instead of Skybolt missiles based on the Agreement signed at the Nassau Conference. However, for the British government, the Nassau Conference was not the symbol of ‘Pax Anglo-Saxonica’ among the Western allies, but the place to realize that ‘Pax Russo-Americana’ in the Cold War world had been strengthening. At the same time, the Kennedy administration started to force the Western allies to comply with the multilateral nuclear force (MLF) concept of NATO after the Nassau Agreement. The U. S. government sought the integration of the independent British and French nuclear forces under the U. S. ruling, while also curbing the feared nuclear ambitions of West Germany.
    In addition, the Nassau Agreement gave the impression of ‘Pax Anglo-Saxonica’ on the other allies, especially France. As a result, French President de Gaulle finally decided to deny the first application for EEC membership by the U. K.
    At the beginning of the 1960s, in the midst of U. S. -Soviet ‘collaboration’ toward ‘Pax Russo-Americana, ’ the friction among the Western allies had been developed in the complex form over the MLF concept and the British EEC application problem. That is the friction in Anglo-American relations, Anglo-French relations and French-American relations.
  • 山崎 正勝
    科学史研究
    2014年 53 巻 271 号 305-
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2020/12/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「世界を再び平和にする」ための真の方策
    新倉 修
    日本の科学者
    2018年 53 巻 10 号 36-41
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2023/12/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東アジアの地域協力と安全保障
    金 成浩
    国際政治
    2004年 2004 巻 135 号 96-113,L12
    発行日: 2004/03/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Soviet Union and South Korea concluded diplomatic relations in September 1990. This paper makes references to the Soviet policy decision process in establishing diplomatic relations with South Korea based on the new archives from both the Soviet Union and South Korea sides.
    The move to expand the economical and cultural relationship between the Soviet Union and South Korea was held in view within the Soviet Union till the beginning of 1990, but regarding the establishment of diplomatic relations with South Korea, the Soviet Union was still in an opaque situation because of opposition from the Soviet Union Ministry of Foreign Affairs and KGB. But the change of the political system in the Soviet Union, i. e., introduction of a presidential system in March 1990, changed the traditional foreign policy decision-making style of the Kremlin, and made it possible for diplomacy to be led by Gorbachev and his assistants, not by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
    After Gorbachev held a talk in San Francisco with the South Korean President Roh Tae-woo by the initiative of the president's executive office of himself in June 1990, he succeeded in weakening the resistance of Foreign Minister Shevardnadze's opponents. Furthermore, the approach of South Korea whose positive initiative taken by two assistants for President Roh Tae-woo had the effect of making the talks in San Francisco possible..
    Not only the structure of such domestic policy decisions but several other factors contributed to the establishment of diplomatic relations between South Korea and the Soviet Union. For example, the aggravation of the Japan-Soviet relationship by the Kuril Islands dispute became a fair wind for South Korea. Gorbachev was interested in approaching South Korea because large economic aid could not be expected from Japan.
    We should also point out that Soviet recognition towards South Korea improved during the glasnost policy of the Soviet Union, and the image of North Korea got worse in contrast. The report which the Soviet Union Communist Party International Affairs Department submitted in February 1990 showed how drastically Russian view of North Korea had deteriorated.
    However, East Asia's regional situation was affected seriously by such a policy change, by driving isolated North Korea to resort to nuclear brinkmanship. The establishment of the diplomatic relations, which put priority on narrow national interest rather than on long-term influence which the Soviet Union diplomacy had on the Korean peninsula, should be reappraised in a broader context, including its negative aspect.
  • 喜多尾 憲助
    日本原子力学会誌
    1965年 7 巻 12 号 694-702
    発行日: 1965/12/30
    公開日: 2009/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The use of the nuclear reactor for biological and medical purposes especially in therapeutic applications, health physics research and radiobiological investigation, is summarized. The status of research work and utilization of these reactors is also presented.
    At present, the production of radioisotopes is the most important application of the reactor is biology and medicine. Most biological and medical reactors have only recently begun to be operated, so that prominent work with their we can hardlg be expected yet. If these reactors provide good operating results and granted the solution of a number of basic radiobiological problems, the neutron therapy and other biomedical applications have excellent prospects of success.
  • 柴山 太
    国際安全保障
    2012年 39 巻 4 号 21-34
    発行日: 2012/03/31
    公開日: 2022/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東西世界の統合と分裂
    田中 直吉
    国際政治
    1966年 1966 巻 30 号 1-12
    発行日: 1966/05/05
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 前田 哲男
    平和研究
    1984年 9 巻 58-68
    発行日: 1984/11/20
    公開日: 2024/06/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高榎 堯
    平和研究
    1980年 5 巻 90-100
    発行日: 1980/09/10
    公開日: 2024/06/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐々木 卓也
    国際政治
    2011年 2011 巻 163 号 163_1-13
    発行日: 2011/01/20
    公開日: 2013/05/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    Nuclear weapons were an integral part of the US arsenal in the Cold War years. Successive administrations relied on the enormously destructive power of these weapons for the defense of the Western Bloc. The US government, maintaining a final voice in employing nuclear weapons in contingency, rejected its allies' request that the weapons not be used from their bases without prior approval. Nuclear power was also utilized, however, to cement ties with its allies by offering bilateral agreements for the peaceful use of this source of energy.
    While engaged in the nuclear arms race, the US and the USSR shared a common interest in averting war and preventing nuclear proliferation; both nations began nuclear test ban negotiations in the latter half of the 1950s. The PTBT of 1963 and the NPT of 1968 were two treaties that resulted from these negotiations. Throughout the Cold War years, nuclear mutual deterrence between the two superpowers was maintained, and the NPT was largely successful in controlling nuclear proliferation. The US was estimated to have spent $5.5 trillion on nuclear weapons, which represented almost 29% of all military spending in the Cold War period. The US bore the staggering cost of nuclear weapons regardless of their inherent risk so as to insure Pax America.
    With the end of the Cold War, nuclear deterrence against the USSR lost its military validity while the accelerating spread of nuclear weapons became a matter of serious concern. Iraq was reported to have reached an advanced stage of nuclear development, only to have that capability negated by the Gulf War; India, Pakistan, and North Korea, however, succeeded in declaring themselves in possession of nuclear weapons. The danger that “rogue states” and international terrorist organizations might attain and use nuclear weaponry came to loom large for America. 9/11 gave the G.W. Bush administration a sense of tremendous urgency in the matter of dealing with the issue of nuclear proliferation. Actually, the war against Iraq was waged under the pretext of eliminating weapons of mass destruction that Saddam Hussein allegedly had produced.
    The proposal that H. Kissinger, G. Shultz, W. Perry and S. Nunn made in January 2007 calling for a world without nuclear weapons should be understood in this altered strategic context. Stressing the significance of coping with the threat of nuclear proliferation, these four highly prominent experts on nuclear strategy proposed the elimination of nuclear weapons. In the same vain, President Obama made a celebrated address in Prague in April 2009; his speech's major emphasis lay on nuclear disarmament and prevention of nuclear proliferation.
    Nuclear weapons, which had brought about a certain stability and predictability in US-Soviet relations and helped insure Pax America, has now come to constitute the most pressing threat to US security. The nuclear proliferation is a disturbing legacy of the Cold War.
  • 立山 良司
    アジア研究
    2007年 53 巻 3 号 57-71
    発行日: 2007/07/31
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    It has long been believed that Israel has acquired a significant number of nuclear weapons and various types of delivery systems. However, Israel has maintained a policy of nuclear ambiguity or opacity, under which it has not officially admitted or denied its possession of nuclear weapons.Its refusal to concede to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the United States’ attitude of turning a blind eye to Israel’s nuclear arsenal pose a serious challenge to the international nonproliferation regime.
    Iran’s challenge to the NPT regime differs both from the Israeli and North Korean cases. Since the Iranian opposition group disclosed Iran’s secret nuclear program in 2002, further doubtsabout the real purpose of this program have been raised, and now it is believed that Iran is about to cross the nuclear threshold. The UN Security Council unanimously adopted resolutions ordering Iran to suspend all sensitive nuclear activities and imposed sanctions on the country.Despitethis, Iran has intensified its enrichment activities on the grounds that under the NPT it is the unalienable right of a sovereign state to develop nuclear technology for peaceful purposes.
    In the Middle East both Iraq and Libya have in the past tried to develop nuclear weapons and other types of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs). Some other states in the region havereportedly acquired chemical and/or biological weapons. The main driving force for the acquisition of WMDs is the complexity of the regional security environment. As well as the Palestine problem and the Arab–Israeli conflict, which have caused a number of confrontations, there are also a number of other sources of instability that have created multidimensional antagonism in the region. In addition, political leaders have competed with each other to acquire political symbols relating to Arabism and Islamism. Their intense competitions have accelerated rivalries over nuclear and other WMDs as symbols of power in the region.
    The notion of a Middle East nuclear-free zone, or a WMD-free zone, has been on international and regional agenda for more than 30 years, but no progress towards realizing this has been made.In order to prevent further nuclear proliferation, the idea of a nuclear-free zone should be addressed more seriously.
  • 佐藤 栄一
    平和研究
    1988年 13 巻 76-88
    発行日: 1988/11/04
    公開日: 2024/06/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―米国政府の分析との比較の視点から―
    黒崎 輝
    国際政治
    2015年 2015 巻 182 号 182_125-182_139
    発行日: 2015/11/05
    公開日: 2016/08/04
    ジャーナル フリー

    In the late 1960s, the Japanese government’s Cabinet Research Office secretly investigated Japan’s nuclear weapons capability and then produced a report in 1968. From a technological and financial standpoint, the report concluded that Japan could build a small number of nuclear bombs without difficulty. Meanwhile Prime Minister Eisaku Sato had announced the “Three Non-Nuclear Principles” in December 1967, but the Japanese government policy did not explicitly prohibit Japan from possessing a nuclear weapons capability. Relying on the 1968 report and other materials, some published works insisted that the Sato government sought to maintain Japan’s nuclear weapons capability. This article questions the validity of this argument by reexamining the 1968 report and Japan’s atomic energy development in comparison with a U.S. government study from the mid-1960s on nuclear non-proliferation policy toward Japan.

    Comparison of the analyses of the 1968 report and the U.S. study on Japan’s fissile material production capability reveals that the latter was based on a more realistic scenario of Japan’s nuclear armament than the former. The 1968 report assessed that Japan could build nuclear bombs by using the plutonium produced by a modified Calder Hall reactor purchased from the U.K. because Japan would obtain reprocessing capability in the early 1970s. To do so, however, required Japan to refuse the safeguards stipulated in the 1958 Japan—U.K. atomic energy agreement. The 1968 report found that it would be damaging and unlikely for Japan to consider such a course of action. In contrast, the U.S. study, which also concluded that Japan had the ability to manufacture plutonium bombs, assumed that Japan would construct a heavy-water moderated reactor using safeguards-free natural uranium to evade international safeguards. Unlike the U.S. study, the 1968 report did not explore feasible measures for Japan to build nuclear bombs.

    This article also argues that the Sato government lacked political determination to develop and maintain Japan’s nuclear weapons capability. In the late 1960s, Japan was acquiring a nuclear weapons capability as a result of its atomic energy development, which did not follow the scenario in the aforementioned U.S. study. The delay in the construction of a reprocessing plant in Tokai Mura illustrated that the Japanese government did not prioritize the development of Japan’s nuclear weapons capability. Moreover, it became more difficult for Japan to go nuclear against the will of the U.S. because in the late 1960s the former deepened its dependence on the latter for atomic energy development. Nevertheless, Japan’s atomic energy complex and national security circles had a common interest in promoting Japan’s atomic energy development as a national policy, and consequently Japan retained its nuclear weapons capability.

  • 日米宇宙協力協定 (一九六九年) 締結に至る政治・外交過程を中心に
    黒崎 輝
    国際政治
    2003年 2003 巻 133 号 141-156,L14
    発行日: 2003/08/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In July 1969, the Japanese and the US governments exchanged the notes on space cooperation between the two countries. This agreement aimed at allowing US firms to provide certain technologies and equipments requested by Japanese firms for the Japanese space program, and accordingly the Japanese government virtually revised a basic policy of its space program, “independent development, ” to receive technological assistance from the United States. In consequence, post-war Japan-US partnership, which had developed in a variety of fields, expanded into space development. This paper examines why and how this Japan-US partnership in space development was forged.
    After the Chinese first nuclear explosion in October 1964, the elements of political leaders and scientists in Japan came to be increasingly interested in the launch of a satellite with Japanese own rocket. They saw that such an achievement was critical to demonstrate its scientific capability to the world and to boast national prestige in the face of Chinese nuclear weapon development. The US government, on the other hand, considered it as its interest to promote Japanese space program in anticipation of diverting Japanese attention from nuclear weapon development.
    Under such circumstances, the US government was willing to cooperate with Japan in space development, but the Japanese government was unenthusiastic about space cooperation with the United States. In the late 1960s, the Japanese government was undertaking the establishment of a domestic organizational structure including government agencies, industries, and academics to carry out its space program as a national project, while engaging in space development policy-making activities based on the principle of “independent development.” In the end, however, it was agreed at the meeting of Prime Minster Eisaku Sato and President Lyndon Johnson in November 1967 that the two governments would explore the possibility of bilateral space cooperation.
    Thereupon, the US government presented a proposal on Japan-US space cooperation in the early 1968, which was based on political considerations such as strengthening the tie between the two countries and to prevent Japan from independently developing nuclear weapon and its strategic delivery systems, specifically ballistic missiles. The offer was an effort to induce Japan to support the US policies to prevent the proliferation of strategic delivery systems to and via Japan and to establish a single international communication satellite system, namely INTELSAT.
    Japan faced a difficult choice: pursuing the policy of complete independent development or advancing its space program with US assistance at the risk of accepting conditions that could constrain Japanese space program in future. This was a dilemma for concerned political leaders, bureaucrats and scientists in Japan. Finally, the Japanese government chose the latter course after concluding the space cooperation agreement with the US government, which resulted in the successful launch of a N-I rocket, the first Japanese large-scale satellite launch vehicle, in 1975.
  • 西村 巧
    法学ジャーナル
    2024年 2024 巻 105 号 1-53
    発行日: 2024年
    公開日: 2024/09/02
    ジャーナル フリー HTML
  • 戦後東欧の政治と経済
    佐藤 栄一
    国際政治
    1971年 1971 巻 44 号 111-155
    発行日: 1971/05/06
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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