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  • 宮城 佑輔
    アジア研究
    2016年 62 巻 2 号 18-36
    発行日: 2016/04/30
    公開日: 2016/05/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    During the 2000s, grass-root xenophobic movements have developed in East Asian countries. In Japan, many groups calling themselves “Conservatives In Action” and within them, the core group called “Zaitokukai” have been criticized by many people for their use of hate speech. Counter-protesters have fought them not only on the street but also on the internet.
    The radicalization of mass media discourse has been identified by critics. For example, “Book Lovers Against Racism” (BLAR) condemns publications containing xenophobic figures as “hate books.” Influenced by those books, Conservatives In Action and Zaitokukai have developed their own mass media organization and discourse.
    Although people criticize the current trend of books that contain bitter criticisms of China, South Korea, and North Korea as “hate books,” such labeling tends to obfuscate the differences between Old and New Conservative media. In fact, while New Conservative media uses hate speech as an “effective measure,” many Old Conservative media sources criticize the practice.
    This paper explores the magazine Japanism as an example of New Conservative media speech. Seirindo, the publisher of Japanism, has published books by former Zaitokukai leader Makoto Sakurai. His books were meant to encourage the Conservatives In Action and Zaitokukai.
    This paper also compares the perspectives of Old Conservative media, using the example of Seiron, with those of New Conservative media, using the example of Japanism, to explore the respective views of Old and New Conservative media on China, South Korea, and North Korea.
    Some critics believe views expressed by Old and New conservative media exist in different methodologies but are based on the same idea. This paper reveals that their differences exist not only in their methodologies but also in their ideas. Specifically, while their perspectives on China are similar, their perspectives on South Korea and North Korea are quite different. Before the main analysis, this paper follows the long-term change of the social movement led by Zaitokukai to focus on the initial split of the two conservative groups. After that, several specific differences between Old and New Conservative media are discussed.
  • レシュケ 綾香
    社会科学研究
    2023年 74 巻 115-141
    発行日: 2023/03/17
    公開日: 2023/05/08
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • ―米主産地新潟県を中心に―
    齋藤 邦明
    歴史と経済
    2021年 63 巻 3 号 3-14
    発行日: 2021/04/30
    公開日: 2023/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper examines the response of agricultural cooperatives to trade and financial liberalization and the development of social movements in Niigata Prefecture since the 1970s. The significance of using Niigata Prefecture as a research field is twofold. First, Niigata Prefecture is one of Japan’s leading rice‒producing regions. Second, from the 1970s to the 1990s, local politics in Niigata Prefecture underwent rapid change. Although Niigata had been a stronghold of the right‒wing Liberal Democratic Party, support for the left‒wing Socialist Party grew during this time. Therefore, Niigata Prefecture suggests an important case for political and economic analysis in contemporary Japanese area studies.

    Niigata Prefecture’s agricultural production peaked around 1990 and then began declining, while urbanization and industrialization progressed. In addition, agricultural cooperatives merged with each other under the pressures of “financial liberalization”, while rice prices declined due to the “deregulation of food controls”. Accordingly, Niigata Prefecture's agriculture faced a turning point around 1990. In the midst of this agricultural crisis, some farmers and agricultural cooperatives collaborated with consumers and started direct marketing, mainly through co‒ops. This enabled them to organize councils to share information on agricultural production and technology, and to bring network externalities to the participants.

    It was under these circumstances that the election for Niigata governor was held in 1989. The farmers, in alliance with consumers, staged tractor demonstrations against rice liberalization and the introduction of the consumption tax, but the Socialist Party’s candidate they supported lost in a close race against the Liberal Democratic Party’s candidate. Despite this defeat, however, the farmers did not stop their campaign. They held demonstrations in Tokyo and Brussels against the GATT Uruguay Round, with the result that food protection policies remained in place for some time longer. The farmers' movement still continues. They are the key players in the organic farming movement and in the movement to revive local agriculture. Therefore, their movement can be regarded as a network‒type community movement.

  • 金 明秀
    フォーラム現代社会学
    2015年 14 巻 36-53
    発行日: 2015/06/25
    公開日: 2017/09/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    近年、日本でもマイノリティへのヘイトスピーチなどを特徴とする極右運動が問題視されるようになったが、それを下支えする社会的態度だと考えられている排外主義について、計量的なアプローチを用いて規定要因を探索的に特定することが本稿の目的である。データは2012年に「外国人集住都市会議」に加盟する自治体の有権者を対象に郵送法によって実施された調査である。分析モデルを構築するにあたっては、多数の態度概念を媒介させることで、社会構造上の位置をあらわす変数と従属変数の共変関係の「意味」を精緻に特定する社会意識論のフレームを用いた。分析の結果、次の3点が明らかになった。すなわち、(1)排外主義の形成に直接作用する社会構造変数はみられず、社会意識が媒介するかたちで排外主義が変動する、(2)排外主義を直接的に押し上げる最大の要因は同化主義である。同化主義は年齢が高いほど強い、(3)排外主義を直接的に抑制する要因は一般的信頼である。一般的信頼は社会的ネットワークの幅が広いほど高く、社会的ネットワークの幅は教育達成が高いほど広い。以上の発見に基づいて、社会全体の統合や秩序を毀損する排外主義を抑制するためには、「多文化関係資源」とでも呼びうる希少資源が重要であること、また、「多文化関係資源」の価値を再評価し、資源を再生産するシステマティックな取り組みが必要であることを論じた。
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