Historians specializing in Muromachi politics during the rein of the 10th shogun Ashikaga Yoshiki 足利義材 have thus far focused their attention on his banishment in 1493 (the Meio Incident), which resulted in the assumption of power by the Hosokawa family. Very little interest, however, has been shown toward the problem of Yoshiki's shogunal governance itself. By analyzing the characteristics and background of Yoshiki's direct judgments (gozen sata 御前沙汰), the author attempts to redress this imbalance and also to improve our understanding of the actual status of Yoshiki's reign. The shogun's direct judgments were usually recorded in the ukagaigoto kiroku 伺事記録, a record kept by the officials who screened matters for the shogun's approval. The record for 1490 and related documents illuminate the shifts in procedure and personnel affairs after the Onin War. The judgment process originally took place only in the presence of the shogun, but Yoshiki always received applications and transmitted his decisions through a rapporteur (moshitsugi 申次). Two reasons for this change can be adduced : (1)the new process provided an effective means of dealing with the increasing number of suits and applications, regardless of when the next shogunal audience was scheduled or what personnel were on duty ; and (2)the shogun's cloistered father, Yoshimi, exercised the real power within the administration, although he had himself never been shogun. The rapporteurs were selected from among those long-term confidents of Yoshimi and Yoshiki, such as HAMURO Mitsutada 葉室光忠, TANEMURA Gyobu 種村刑部 and ISSIKI Jibu 一色治部. Yoshimi and his son lacked confldent retainers within the court at the time of Yoshiki's succession, because Yoshimi had been the very leader of anti-shogun Western force during the Onin War (1467-1477). Yoshimi and Yoshiki therefore tended to place greater trust in their long-term confidents than in those who newly came into service at Yoshiki's court. As close retainers these rapporteurs were entrusted with supervising matters involving the shogun's direct judgment. The shogun's liege vassals can be divided into the three categories : (1)those who had served with him before the Onin War, that is, men who were not hereditary servants of the bakufu ; (2)those who came to serve under Yoshimi during the Onin War ; and (3)those who came into service after Yoshiki's succession. Most of the persons whose names came up in gozen sata documents represented categories (1) and (2). Shogunal confidence in them was 'high' but his reliance on them inevitably led to feelings of estrangement on the part of hereditary servants of the bakufu. This, in turn, hastened the decline of Yoshiki himself in the Meio Incident.

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With the intention of examining the vicissitudes of the Muromachi shogun's immediate direction of legal and administrative affairs, the author undertakes a textual criticism of one single, incomplete, and newly located register (hikitsuke 引付) of the shogun's direct judgement or approval (gozen-sata 御前沙汰). This register, entitled ukagaigoto kiroku, was recorded during the 2nd year of Entoku, or 1490, by SEI Motosada 清元定, a bugyonin 奉行人 or one of the shogun's executive officers. Only six and half leaves of the original remain in the Tenri Central Library ; their reverse sides consist of scattered parts of two of nine scrolls of the holograph diary of YOSHIDA Kanemigi 吉田兼右 for the years 1533-1534. Upon comparison with two already known records of the same title, from 1490 and around the 1540s, and other related materials, the author clarifies that the records under this title were made by the officials in charge who submitted matters for the shogun's approval (ukagaigoto), each official compiling records of the matters he personally dealt with : theoretically all these officials kept such kind of partial records for their own use. Furthermore, the author contends, with evidence from some entries for the year 1539, from the diary of ODACHI Joko 大館常興, one of the shogun's consultants (naidansu 内談衆), that in addition to these particular records, an official annual general collection of the duplicate registers was compiled by the bakufu under the same title, covering all matters brought up for consultation during the year. Such a collection, however, has not been located thus far, while the extant texts are limited to the sporadic records made and preserved by such bugyonin as INO Mototsura 飯尾元連 (alias Sosho 宗勝), his grandson INO Takatsura 堯連 and SUWA Sadamichi 諏訪貞通, the officials in charge, who added their signatures at the end of the line in which the date was written on a given document. The author concludes that these findings will help us to understand that the gozen-sata procedure, once conducted primarily in the presence of the shogun, was changing at the end of the 15th century into one conducted without the presence of the shogun.

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Scholars have scarcely dealt in suitable detail with the political structure and function of the Muromach Shogunate after the Onin-Bunmei War (1467-77). This essay clarifies the actual circumstances behind the 9th Shogun Yoshihisa's 義尚 decision making by means of gozen sata 御前沙汰 (direct judgement) and discusses its significance in connection with Bakufu politics. Until his expedition to Omi province in 1487 in order to surpress Rokkaku Takayori 六角高頼, a shugo who had ignored shogunal ordinances, Yoshihisa as shogun had had no political power. The ex-Shogun Yoshimasa 義政, his father, conducted Bakufu administration directly through his bugyoshu 奉行衆 (magistrates). Yoshihisa, however, stayed in Omi with his hokoshu 奉公衆 (immediate retainers) as well as the said bugyoshu for one year and half until his death due to illness. Yoshihisa's administrative and judicial decisions while in the battlefield were made by means of relying on consultation from his hyojoshu 評定衆 (councillors) selected from among his reliable entourage, instead of adopting his father's practice of presiding over the "magistrates". The newly established hyojoshu was different from the group of the same name once composed of hereditary bureaucrats (whose ancestors served the Kamakura Shogunate), and was composed of persons of different social background, free of tradition, and competent to become his advisors or even his surrogates. This fact suggests that Yoshihisa secured his power by relying on his own entourage and new councillors, thus reducing the influence of the "magistrates" then still entrusted by his father to the submission of advisory reports (iken 意見). Previous scholars have maintained that Yoshihisa's regime in Omi was initiated by the "immediate retainers". Indeed, the main body of the military force consisted of these retainers, and their services were vindicated by Yoshihisa, but the nuclear group of "councillors" was not necessarily composed of representatives of these "retainers". The expedition, judging from an examination of Inryoken Nichiroku 蔭凉軒日録 and other contemporary source materials, was positively intended by Yoshihisa himself to effect a separation from his father yoshimasa and his liege vassals, including "immediate retainers" and "magistrates", and to form his own system of decision making. The author concludes that (1)previous studies emphasized the voice and influence of the "magistrates (bugyoshu)" which grew larger in shogunal decision making after the Onin-Bunmei War, but the shogun's entourage (sokkinshu 側近衆) also played an important role in this procedure ; (2)the "councillors (hyojoshu)" newly established during the reign of Yoshihisa can be taken as the precursor of the "inner consultants (naidanshu 内談衆)", who would appear later during the reign of the 12th Shogun Yoshiharu 義晴.

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個別領主の所領知行や年貢納入などに関する訴訟に対し、幕府がおこなっていた裁判――所務沙汰の室町期への展開については、南北朝期に将軍主催の場と管領主催の場という二つの訴訟機関が並立する体制が形成され、それが一五世紀半ばまで存続すると説明されてきた。しかし、鎌倉期と同様の性格をもつ訴訟機関がそのまま形成されたかどうか、質の違いが視野に入れられているとはいいがたく、検討の余地がある。本稿は、鎌倉期的な所務沙汰の制度運営のあり方が本当に室町期にも継承されたのかを検討し、室町幕府所務沙汰の特質を解明することを目的とする。
当該期の所務沙汰のあり方を示す史料を検討した結果、南北朝中期までの所務沙汰の審議・決裁は、引付・評定・仁政沙汰・御前沙汰など、制度的に設定され、日常的に式日運営がなされる所務沙汰機関においておこなわれていたが、南北朝末期にはこのような所務沙汰機関が急に姿を消し、所務沙汰の審議.決裁は奉行人が個別的に室町殿へ伺いを立てる形式の「個別伺」型に変化してゆくことが判明した。
そもそも、所務沙汰がこうした場でおこなわれていた背景には、社会的弱者の救済をするため、彼らの訴訟を含めた多くの訴訟をある種の開放性・公正性のもとで裁定していこうとする、鎌倉期的、徳政的な政治規範が存在していた。したがって、こうした場の廃絶はこうした政治規範の放棄をも意味する。南北朝末期の変質によって、室町幕府による訴訟対応は幕府法をも作り出さないような個別的なものとなり、所縁に左右される度合いが濃くなっていくのである。
こうした変化の理由は、一つには、従来の手続による訴訟裁定が内乱により困難になった、という点から説明できる。しかし、所領の回復命令を室町殿との個別的な関係による付与、つまり給恩に近いものとすることで、室町殿との関係を基軸とした人的秩序・所領秩序再構成への一助とする、という意味もあった。このような所務沙汰制度の変質は、南北朝末期の人的秩序・所領秩序の再編の動きに深い関わりを持つものであったと評価できる。
そうした動きの結果、京都の領主社会とその周辺においては、室町殿の意向が強く及びうる範囲が創出される。しかし、その一方で、以前の幕府が持っていた一定度の開放性を放棄し、訴訟に対処しようとする姿勢を失うことになるのである。今後は、こうした二つの側面をともに視野に入れつつ、室町幕府の位置づけを考えるべきであろう。

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The most important mechanism for litigation concerning feudal proprietorship during the Kamakura Shogunate was the Hikitsuke (引付), or the court reaching a decision by mutual consent. However, during the Muromachi Shogunate we can see that fief related lawsuits were fundamentally decided at the discretion of the Shoguns themselves. This change in the way of rendering judgement is very important. In this essay the present writer investigates how the Muromachi Shoguns came to render judgement based on their authority and how the court presided over by them came to be established. First, the writer studies Naidangata (内談方), which is known as a court similar to Hikitsuke except for the presence of Ashikaga Tadayoshi (足利直義). The writer then indicates that the second Shognn Yoshiakira (義詮) started a new court called Gozenzata (御前沙汰)... that is, "a trial before Yoshiakira"... which dealt with the same kind of lawsuits as Hikitsuke and gradually surpassed it in authority. Thus, Hikitsuke gradually lost real power and virtually came to an end with the continuing reinforcement of Gozenzata's authority. However, Gozenzata could be overruled under the influence of another court held by the Shogun, namely OnShogata (恩賞方), which dealt with claims for fiefs granted as service rewards and which had existed since the biginning of the Muromachi Shogunate. Since Gozenzata was reduced to be composed of similar members to Onshogata, the secretary to the Shogun (Shitsuji 執事) came to be present at Gozenzata. In Onshogata this secretary controlled the only department, Tokorozukegata (所付方), Which assisted the Shogun on practical affairs. However, because Gozenzatd lacked such a department as Tokorozukegata, the secretary would often find himself at odds with the Shogun. Finally this secretary retired from Gozenzata to reopen and personally direct Hikitsuke. He was soon to retire from Onshogata as well. In this way Gozenzata turned into a court which was composed of Shogun and functionaries (bugyonin 奉行人) and which was fully established during the reign of the third Shogun Yoshimitsu (義満). During this period, too, the court presided over by the shitsuji was formed on the basis of the reopened Hikitsuke. And a similar relation-ship between Onshogata and Tokorozukegata was carried on between these two courts, which enabled them to exist side by side over a long period of time.

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The main purpose of this paper is to consider how shogunal authority was exercised in the Muromachi Bakufu by investigating the Bakufu administration which followed the Onin-Bunmei Wars (1467-77) and was headed by Shogun Ashikaga Yoshihisa 義尚 and former Shogun Yoshimasa 義政. It was in 1473 (Bunmei 文明5) that Yoshimasa abandoned the position of Seii Taishogun 征夷太将軍 and was succeeded by his young son Yoshihisa. In Bakufu political affairs the boy Shogun was represented by his maternal uncle, Hino Katsumitsu 日野勝光 and his mother Hino Tomiko 日野富子. Then during the years following 1483 (Bunmei 15) government affairs were carried out by both Yoshihisa and Yoshimasa. Up until now it has been thought that there was no particular division of authority between the two leaders ; however, after a re-investigation of the primary sources, the author has come upon some difierent conclusions. While it is true that Yoshimasa did abandon the title of Shogun in 1473, it does not follow that he retired from the Bakufu administration. It was necessary for him to carry out such duties as ceremonial affairs...affairs which the Hinos could not perform. Also, since Yoshihisa was not at all involved in Bakufu affairs, we can say that the Hino Family was acting not as regent for Yoshihisa but rather in the capacity as representatives of Yoshimasa. In other words, the Hino Family took over the duties of Kanrei 管領, a position which was vacant at the time. The Hino administration ended in 1482 (Bunmei 14) when Yoshimasa announced that from then on Yoshihisa was to take over personally Bakufu political affairs. After entrusting Yoshihisa with administrative responsibility, Yoshimasa continued for a time to participate in Bakufu affairs. The gradual transfer of authority began in 1483 with the handing over to Yoshihisa of judiciary responsibility in disputes over all proprietary rights (excluding Zen temples)...i.e., zasso-zata 雑訴沙汰...and over Bakufu financial administration (mandokoro-zata 政所沙汰). Shogunal leadership duties were transferred in 1486 ; and following the 1487 (Chokyo 長享1) campaign in Omi 近江, remaining authority was entrusted, which included Zen temple proprietorship judicial rights, authority to guarantee (ando 安堵) the proprietary rights of persons other that close direct vassals (kinshin 近臣), to appoint provincial law enforcement officials (shugo 守護) and to seal public documents (kojo kahan 公帖加判). Up until the final transfer of duties, shogunal authority took on the form of a division of labor between Yoshimasa and Yoshihisa, with the former holding sway in political power relations. If we consider the fact that Yoshihisa's administration actually began with the announcement of authority transfer in 1482, together with the fact that in the case of the third Muromachi Shogun, Yoshimitsu 義満, his son Yoshimochi 義持 and his grandson Yoshikazu 義量, while succeeding to the title of Shogun, held no real authority as long as Yoshimitsu was alive, we may be in a position to understand what the Muromachi Bakufu was actually aiming at. 1)The official appointment of Shogun by the Tenno (shogun senge 将軍宣下) was no more than a simple granting of eligibility for undertaking governmental duties ; so it was neccessary for the former Shogun to transfer authority in order for a new administration to begin. 2)This situation in which even following abandonment of the Shogunate, the retired Shogun would continue to administrate the Bakufu was a conscious refutation of the traditional shogunal image among the court aristocracy that since authority came with the office (shogun-shoku 将軍職), administration should begin from the time of succession. However, this refutation indicates that Muromachi shogunal authority was rather attained through the expansion of real political power and control.

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本稿では、康暦元年（一三七九）以前の室町幕府政所執事の比定を行い、その上で、政所執事就任者の立場や政所執事就任・辞任のあり方、政所執事と御所奉行の関係について検討した。
　政所執事の比定は、年代記と一次史料からの検出に加え、評定衆の検討からも行なった。評定衆の検討を行うなかで、二階堂氏のなかの上位者が政所執事に就任していたわけではないこと、政所執事の役職に評定参加という職務が内包されていたことが明らかになった。
　二階堂氏は鎌倉幕府において政所執事に就任していた家であり、鎌倉期から複数の系譜に分かれていた。室町幕府の政所執事には、二階堂氏内の様々な系譜の人物や二階堂氏以外の人物が就任していたが、それは、建武政権期の政所執事就任のあり方が影響を及ぼしていた。建武政権期には鎌倉将軍府と陸奥将軍府において政所執事が設置されており、陸奥将軍府では二階堂顕行（信濃家）、鎌倉将軍府では二階堂行諲（伊勢家）が就任していた。陸奥将軍府の就任のあり方は鎌倉後・末期の就任のあり方を踏襲したもの、鎌倉将軍府の就任のあり方は鎌倉後・末期の就任のあり方から逸脱したものであり、鎌倉将軍府と陸奥将軍府にて政所執事就任のあり方が統一されていなかった。この異なる政所執事就任のあり方が、室町幕府にも持ち込まれ、それが室町幕府における多様な就任者や頻繁な交代に繋がった。
　さらに、政所執事は御所奉行と密接に関わっており、御所奉行が複数人で構成されていたことや、そのなかに評定衆系の御所奉行と近習系の御所奉行が含まれていたこと、将軍家に近侍する人物が御所奉行や政所執事に就任するという構造が形成されていたことを指摘した。 　以上の検討を通して、南北朝期室町幕府の政所執事やそれをめぐる二階堂氏の動向、さらには政所執事に関連する役職・職務、将軍近侍者の集団のあり方を提示した。

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 The Sarugaku, similar to the Noh performance, was popular among the ordinary people. As a result of personal love of the Third Shogun Yoshimitsu Ashikaga, gained the position of the entertainment to the nobility. From the age of six Shogun Yoshinori Ashikaga, the Noh stage was become to build temporarily in the Government Office and the Daimyo's mansions to entertain the important guests for the political uses. At last the Noh stage was permanently established as one of the architectural elements constituting the Edo Castle Honmaru Great Hall where the most important ritual of the Edo shogunate would be held. This paper is trying to elucidate the reason why the Noh stage was built in the ceremonial space of the government agency and the circumstances leading up to its formation. This paper sturdy about the 6th Shogun Yoshinori Ashikaga period.

 Yoshinori Ashikaga was chosen as the 6th Muromachi Shogun when he was 36 years old who loved the Kanze's Sarugaku. Immediately Yoshinori moved to Sanjobomon-dono, built a Noh stage in the southern courtyard in front of the Shinden. He held Sarugaku performances intended to make opportunities to gather political dignities, and to confirm the feudal relationships with the guests. Yoshinori not only loved Sarugaku, used the event of Sarugaku politically. And he used the Noh for one of the public events of Shogunate with Kanze as the Sarugaku-Tayu. In 1431, Yoshinori moved to Muromachi-dono, and until 1441 he held the Sarugaku for various reasons as follows.

 New Year's comfort for Mrs. as Annual events of the shogunate

 Entertainment for a special guest of the Shogunate

 An event to make opportunities to gather political dignities

 Comfort to vassal

 Kanjin-Sarugaku

 A victory celebration

 Entertainment for Shogun in the Residences of Daimyo.

 Entertainment for Shogun by the temples

 Entertainment in the Ex-Emperor palace.

 For these needs, Kanze had been employed to perform for such events. And the government had become to held the Sarugaku for official use.

 The Noh stage had get place in the courtyard of Government agency, Imperial Palace, The Temples and the Residences of Daimyo. And the architectural style of Noh stage had been formed and the manners to enforce the events gradually. But the style of Noh stage was still temporary construction.

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This article examines changes that occurred in the role and authority of provincial military governors (shugo 守護 appointed by the Muromachi Bakufu) and the interrelationships involving them, regionally-based warrior class land proprietors (kokujin 国人) and local society in general, taking up the case of Harima Province during the Northern and Southern Courts (Nanboku-cho 南北朝) era (1336-1392). In other words, it is an attempt to portray an overall image of social change during the period of civil unrest marking 14th century Japan by linking the evolvement of the Muromachi Bakufu's system of governance with social trend of the local society. The author begins with a discussion of changes in the role and authority of the Akamatsu Clan, shugo of Harima, and its relationship with the province's kokujin strata, informing us that: 1) Upon the outbreak of the Kanno disturbance (1350-52), the conventional practice of the Bakufu appointing both provincial governors and military commanders was done away with in favor of the assumption in Harima by the Akamatsu Clan of the military command and confirmation of bravery in the field, in addition to its civil duties. At the same time, the chain of military command involving shugo and kokujin was firmly put in place, resulting in the subordination of many of the latter to the Akamatsu Clan. 2) After the outbreak of the disturbance, tozama 外様 shugo (i.e., those who were neither kin to the Ashikaga Shogunate or their direct retainers) throughout Japan (including Harima) are seen strengthening both their actual authority and social status, as exemplified by the language used in their petitions to the Bakufu. Such a phenomenon can be interpreted as proof of a definite change in the balance of power between the Ashikaga Clan and tozama shugo that existed at the inception of the Muromachi Bakufu, and the resulting homogeneity of shugo authority regardless of affiliation indicates for the author a significant change in the position occupied by the institution of shugo within the Bakufu governance structure. Next the author turns to the influence of the above-mentioned changes on kokujin and local society using the Yano-no-Sho Conspiracy (akuto 悪党) Incident as an example,concluding: 1) From the late Kamakura period up through the Jowa era (ending 1350), the strata of locally-based land proprietors had utilized such means to legitimize and protect their fiefs as direct action based on wide ranging alliances (referred to as akuto) and mutual assistance, as well as directly petitioning the Muromachi Bakufu to recognize their allegiance with rewards and proprietary guarantees. While there were also appeals to the authority of shugo, taking into consideration the type of intervention that would result, attempts by local proprietors to protect their holdings by sole reliance upon such authority can only be observed beginning in the Bunna era (1352-56). 2) The so-called "vassalization of akuto alliance members under shugo" was proceeding within the post-Kanno disturbance transition to a Bakufu system of governance aiming at control over regions and local land proprietors centered around shugo. This phenomenon observed in the case of Yano Estate was caused by the changes that had occurred in Bakufu governance due to the strengthening of the authority of shugo during the disturbance.

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It is the Buddhist temple that featured the widest variety of warawa in medieval communities. Although many studies of warawa have been made, few of them succeed in sufficiently revealing the state of warawa in the medieval temples. In an attempt to find out the significance of warawa and warawasugata (dressed like a child) in the early medieval period, this article specifically describes characteristics of warawa in the temples. Chapter 1 describes the way of living and the image of warawa in the temples based on setsuwa literature. Kokonchomonju mentions to uewarawa (jodo) and chodo (boys who were lovers at high-ranking men) of the omuro at Ninnaji Temple, while Ujishuimonogatari mentions to chigo, chudaidoji, and daidoji on Mt. Eizan. These stories in Kokonchomonju have something to do with a certain bokan who contributed to compiling the Ninnaji-Temple-related setsuwa group. Stories mentioning warawa in Ujishuimonogatari, on the other hand, seem to be setsuwa relating to Chuin on Mt. Eizan. What should be noted here is daidoji-setsuwa. Daidoji-setsuwa is picked up not only by Ujishuimonogatari but also by Hosshinshu and Zoutanshu. What is common to all of them is specific characteristics of daidoji : (1)they were not allowed to enter the priesthood : (2)they remained in warawasugata, even during their adulthood, attended high-ranking people, and (3)they worked close to temple authority but were ignorant and persevering, and sometimes comically amusing. Chapter 2 specifically examines names, ranks, and roles of warawa by referring to the temple documents of Daigoji Ninnaji and Mt. Eizan. Typical temple warawa were referred to as chigo, chudoji, and daidoji, who served the works and belonged to a bo or innge. Warawa were ranked as chigo chudoji, and daidoji. In a procession, warawa were ranked as uewarawa, chudoji, and daidoji. The chigo of omuro consisted of a hierarchy composed of children from the Seiga families, those from the bokan, those from gehokumen of the in (the retired emperor), and so forth. Chigo were clearly distinguished in rank from chudoji who was a warawa allowed to go up to serve personally high-ranking people in the bo. The major functions of chudoji were waiting on and attending high-ranking people. On the other hand, daidoji were not allowed to go up to the level of their superiors. They were organized into cho or ren and had various kinds of functions: leading horses, procuring necessities for Buddhist ceremonies, periodically collecting land taxes from estates, and administrating the kodoneridokoro of the bo. In short, daidoji and chudoji were also hierarchically distinguished each other. Chapter 3 studies kugeshinsei (new laws imposed by the Imperial Court) and jihenshinsei (new rules issued by individual temples for themselves) to find out that daidoji were similar to zoshiki of aristocratic families and that the main role of chudoji and daidoji was to attend monks. It has also been learned from picture scrolls, including Kasugagongen-genkie, that chigo, chudoji, and daidoji are clearly distinguished by their seating location and dress. The origin of warawasugata of those who attended monks can be found in the holy attendants of Buddha. The concept of warawasugata first appeared in Souniryo, which stipulated that children should attend monks. ln accordance with stratification that took place in the monkhood from the late 10th century to the 11th century, chigo, chudoji, and daidoji, were also ranked. Daidoji eventually became those who failed to find a way to enter the priesthood, which resulted in the warawasugata of adult or senior daidoji. Chigo, chudoji, and daidoji are found to be representative warawa of the medieval temples. The author shows that daidoji, instead of dodoji, was typically in warawasugata at medieval temples. This warawasugata reflected not only expectations toward voluntary services and the holy power of warawa, but also stratification among the warawa.

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