Urushi-lacquered combs are among the most important artifacts characterizing the urushi lacquer culture of the Jomon period in Japan. We conducted radiocarbon dating of two lacquered combs of the Jomon period, one excavated from the Mibiki site of the late phase of the initial Jomon period and another excavated from the Torihama shell midden of the early Jomon period. Their dates were 6290 ± 30 14C BP (ca. 7200 cal BP) and 5310 ± 30 14C BP (ca. 6100 cal BP), respectively. These results show the comb from the Mibiki site to be one of the oldest remains of urushi-lacquered artifacts of the Jomon period and that from the Torihama shell midden to be of the late phase of the early Jomon period.

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The main regions of sericulture and thus silk production, in the T'ang 唐 dynasty were the Ho-nan 河南 and Ho-pei 河北 circuits. Ho-nan had developed as an advanced sericulture and silk production region ever since the Han 漢 Dynasty. Its central areas were Sung-chou 宋州 and po-chou 亳州. The southern and central parts of Ho-pei developed along generally similar lines as Ho-nan circuit. When they suffered from the revolt of the Wu-hu Shih-liu-kuo 五胡 十六国, they became the object of deep concern on the part of the rulers. From after the implementation of the Chun-tien 均田 system in the Pei-wei 北魏 up to the age of Lu-ling 律令 system they were highly regarded as a valuable source of national finances or object of accumulated wealth by bureaucrats and aristocrats. This practice spread to the northern part of Ho-pei also. Meanwhile, sericulture and silk production slowly spread to Huai-nan 淮南 and Shan-nan 山南 circuits in the south and to all of Ssuch'uan 四川 in the west. But compared to the silk produced in the main regions, their silk was inferior both in quality and quantity. It is said that sericulture and silk production in the Kuan-chung 関中 region had already declined by the Kai-yuan 開元 (713-41) period. But, as the government showed concern over their condition, they were nonetheless maintained to a considerable degree up until the Sung 宋 Dynasty. In the Chiang-nan 江南 region, especially the Yang-tzu delta, the sericulture industry had produced a special high quality silk cloth from before the T'ang Dynasty. Sericulture here had, as in Ch'eng-tu 成都 and its vicinity in Ssu-ch'uan, a tax payment function, and so was intimately related to court control. Sericulture was not commonly practiced in the villages. Even when it was practiced, it was simply for a family's own use. The quality thus can easily be imagined to have been extremely low. Here, also, linen was used for daily clothing, and so it was used for paying taxes, at an exchange rate set for it in place of silk, by the government. In the middle reaches of the Yang-tzu-River there were few parts of Chiang-hsi 江西 and Hu-nan 湖南 that practiced sericulture. In fact, but for the one area of Feng-chou 〓州, there was no sericulture in all of Hu-nan. To the south, in Fu-chien 福建 and Ling-nan 嶺南, there was hardly any sericulture right up to the Sung. And, in Fu-chien cotton growing replaced sericulture during the Nan-sung 南宋. In sum, the stretch of time from the Chin 秦 and Han Dynasties right up to the Lu-ling System was the age of linen in China. Sericulture and silk production, first centered in the Ho-nan and Ho-pei circuits gradually spread out to the surrounding areas. From the latter half of the T'ang up to the end of the Pei-sung 北宋 they spread rapidly in the direction of Chiang-nan, especially the Liang-che 両浙 and Chiang-hsi regions. The practice of sericulture and the amount of silk cloth produced increased so greatly, that China then entered its age of silk. Such an increase was mainly due to two developments. First, the Chiang-nan area became the economic base of the empire and the source of government wealth. Secondly, many new developments in sericulture methods appeared in the Chiang-nan area. Many concrete examples of both developments can be given.

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ベンガラは,褐鉄鉱または赤鉄鉱から得る方法があり,一部は後期旧石器時代より確立された技術として生産された。
縄文時代のベンガラ生産は,原料を粉砕,磨り潰されるところまでは理解されているものの,きめ細かく均一的な粒子を得るための調製方法については未解明な部分が多い。
北海道南部から東北北部に形成される亀ヶ岡文化の遺跡では,赤鉄鉱の出土が目立ち,宇鉄遺跡においては2,300点,約65kgもの赤鉄鉱とベンガラ付着石器や土器が数多く出土している。小稿では,宇鉄遺跡の赤色顔料関連資料の分析と顔料の製造実験を通して実証的なベンガラ生産の復元を試みた。その結果,赤鉄鉱を叩き割りして頁岩部分とコークス状部分とを分離させ,次にコークス状の赤鉄鉱のみを粉砕し,さらに磨り潰したものを水簸による比重選鉱を行い,赤色の懸濁液を土器で煮沸製粉していたことが明らかとなった。
このような煮沸製粉法によるベンガラ生産では,均一的な微粒子粉末を得ることができ,より多量な生産を容易に可能とする。こうした技術を必要とした背景には,亀ヶ岡文化が多様な赤彩遺物を増大させたことと密接に関係するものと考えられる。

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In this article, the author focuses on the fact that during Warring-States, Qin and Han periods in China, farmers were mostly dependent on salt and iron outside their communities in order to discuss one moment in the introduction of money economy to village life and also how the state controlled these two commodities. The article begins with a discussion of the two systems of salt and iron industrial management: state-owned operation and private operation that were taxed. Secondly, the author touches upon policy concerning salt and iron in the various principalities at the beginning of Western-Han period, concluding that the same dual system of management existing there as well. However, during the reign of Han Emperor Wu, the two systems were unified in an autocratic monopoly system, in which, "Former private salt and iron makers who are willing to work in state operated enterprises will be recruited, and will transfer all their existing equipment and facilities to the state. Plus, [the makers of iron, salt, or the both will be outfitted with bellows, etc. and] salt makers will be equipped with cauldrons. The state will appropriate all production, then pay the makers salaries [on either a fixed or percentage basis]." In addition, in 110 BC the state also began controlling the distribution of salt and iron. The profits from both state-monopoly systems were calculated by chamberlain for the national treasury on the basis of the prices of hemp and silk. In conclusion, the author considers the historical significance of the state-monopoly systems, and states that the promotion of a gender-based division of labor in which men were to cultivate and women to weave from Warring-States period created a stratum of farmers who were self-sufficient in hemp and silk, but were forced to purchase the iron and salt they used. However, during the reign of Emperor Wu, as mentioned above, under the monopoly system of salt and iron, all farmers have to pay hemp and silk in order to get salt and iron. Consequently, the government was able to purchase surplus production (mainly hemp and silk) from farmers at cheap prices and sell them necessities, like iron and salt, at expensive prices, resulting in the establishment of a rational system of exploitation. In other words, Emperor Wu was abletocreateadespoticsystemofruleunderwhichapermanently settled agrarian population became totally dependent on the state for its livelihood.

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