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  • 黄 潔
    アジア・アフリカ地域研究
    2020年 19 巻 2 号 153-183
    発行日: 2020/03/31
    公開日: 2020/04/29
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper aims to reconsider the kinship organization of ethnic groups in China with a case study of the Dong people, a Tai-speaking ethnic group that inhabits Southern China. It questions the uncritical application in earlier research of the research pattern of the Han Chinese to the analysis of the kinship of non-Han minorities in China, which leads to ignorance of ethnic characteristics and identity. Specifically, this paper rethinks the view of Dong society through reexamination of the customs and practices of the model of kinship and marriage among Dong people, namely, apl weex bux lagx (combination between different descent groups) and pak singv kkeip (intermarriage ignoring the surname system). It is pointed out that the Dong people’s kinship organization is similar to that of the Han Chinese. However, according to field research, Dong people continue to practice their own model of kinship with the Dong language, though as an ethnic group that lacks a writing system, the Dong have also been strongly influenced by the customs of the Han Chinese. These two aspects are characteristic of the Dong people’s kinship organization. In this case, the use of the Chinese language as a written language to express and practice their kinship organization make it appear to have similar characteristics to that of the Han Chinese. It is found that a series of unique social cultural systems have been produced within Dong society as a result of the fact that the Dong people’s kinship organization has both similarities and differences in comparison with that of the Han Chinese and because of the pressure from the tense relationship between using the ethnic language and Chinese language.

  • 石井 壽夫
    社会経済史学
    1940年 10 巻 6 号 607-618
    発行日: 1940/09/15
    公開日: 2017/12/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 斉藤 達也
    史学雑誌
    2009年 118 巻 12 号 2106-2131
    発行日: 2009/12/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    Under the Sui 隋 and Tang 唐 Dynasties, most of the Sogdian people living in China assumed one of the following nine surnames in accordance with the land or city of their origin: Kang 康, An 安, Cao 曹, He 何, Shi 史, Shi 石, Mu 穆, Bi 畢, and Mi 米. The place of origin of a family can actually be easily identified because of the regular correspondence between the surname and the toponym associated with the respective region. For instance, the surname 'Kang' 康 was given to those Sogdian families coming from the Land of Kang 康國, i.e. Samarkand. One finds only very few references to the history and reasons lying behind the diversification of the Sogdian surnames on Chinese soil. The present paper attempts to explore some of the basic aspects of this subject. Chapter One looks into the relation between Sogdian surnames and the names of their land of origin mainly by examining the linguistic facet of the problem. Chapter Two investigates relevant historical documents which allow us to trace the formation of each Sogdian surname. I examine the historical evidence for possible clues as to the background and reasons for choosing a certain surname. In both Chapters One and Two, I actually re-visit the most commonly accepted theory concerning the correspondence between Sogdian surnames and their place of origin, i.e. toponyms serving as surnames originate from rough phonetic transcriptions, or rather abridgements, in Chinese characters of actual Sogdian place names. These abbreviated toponyms were then given to the Sogdians depending on the region of origin. My investigation, however, reveals an opposite picture. Most of the Sogdian surnames were actually adopted for reasons not directly related to phonetic transcriptions. There is a consistent tendency of one group coming from a specific region to adopt one particular surname. Between ca. 560 and 600, we start seeing compounds as the 'Land of Shi' 史國 or 'Land of He' 何國. It is at this stage that the word 'land' 國 is used in conjunction with the surnames, and not the other way round. Chronologically speaking, in the early phase of Sogdian presence on Chinese soil, which starts with the Later Han 後漢 dynasty, Kang 康 was the only surname generally used for all members of this ethnic group regardless of their region of origin. Later, however, we witness a diversification. Probably as early as the latter half of the 5^<th> century, the surname An 安 may have also been used by people of Sogdian origin. Sometime between the end of the 5^<th> century and middle of the 6^<th> century, the Sogdians seem to have started adopting surnames like Cao 曹, He 何, Shi 史, and Mu 穆. Slightly later, three other names, i.e. Shi 石, Bi 畢, and Mi 米, also came to be employed. In Chapter Three, I try to explain the reasons and social background behind this diversification, and turn my attention to the relation between marriage customs and surnames. This chapter is based on a collation of relevant data extracted from funeral inscriptions between the 6^<th> century and 10^<th> century. My survey reveals the existence of a total of 83 cases in which at least one of the partners had one of the following surnames indicating Sogdian origin: Kang 康, An 安, and Mi 米. Amongst these, only three seem to have been couples in which both husband and wife bore the same surname. This fact suggests that for the most part, the marriage between Sogdian couples followed the Chinese custom of surname exogamy 同姓不婚. This fact leads me to believe that the diversification of the Sogdian surnames from one to nine served an obvious social function. This process made it possible for people coming from the same ethnic stock to get married while still respecting the Chinese taboo of surname exogamy. Actually, in 483 the Northern Wei dynasty 北魏 decreed that surname exogamy should be strictly observed. This might have been one of the

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  • 梅村 坦
    史学雑誌
    1979年 88 巻 5 号 793-798
    発行日: 1979/05/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊能 嘉矩
    東京人類學會雜誌
    1908年 23 巻 270 号 433-437
    発行日: 1908/09/20
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 桝田 一二
    地理
    1939年 2 巻 2 号 159-170
    発行日: 1939/04/14
    公開日: 2010/03/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 喜久男
    人類學雜誌
    1941年 56 巻 7 号 352-364
    発行日: 1941/07/25
    公開日: 2008/02/26
    ジャーナル フリー
    Die Resultate der Blutgruppenuntersuchung bei Tung-fang- und Pao-t'ing-Li und bei den Mohamedaner in San-a auf der Insel Hainan wird kurz zusammengefasst wie folgt wiedergegeben.
    1) Die prozentuelle Häufigkeit mit dem mittleren Fehler der vier Bluttypen
    2) Biochemischer Rassenindex nach Hirszfeld Tung-fang-Li 0.49, Pao-t'ing-Li 0.71, beide zusammen 0.53, Mohamedaner 0.59
    3) Verteilung der drei Gentypen nach Well.isch Bemerkenswert ist es, dass die Mohamedaner in bezug auf die Häufigkeit der drei Gentypen zu den Gruppen, die den beiden Li-Stämmen am nachsten stehen, die Yülin-Li aber zu den diesen sick von stark abweichendengehören.
  • 山下 将司
    史学雑誌
    2010年 119 巻 5 号 804-810
    発行日: 2010/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 舩田 善之
    史学雑誌
    2008年 117 巻 5 号 899-905
    発行日: 2008/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松本 光太郎
    民族學研究
    1987年 52 巻 3 号 246-257
    発行日: 1987/12/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鳥居 龍藏
    人類學雜誌
    1923年 38 巻 2 号 53-72
    発行日: 1923/02/25
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐口 透
    民族學研究
    1949年 13 巻 4 号 331-345
    発行日: 1949年
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「悟空入竺記」のこと
    小野 勝年
    密教文化
    1984年 1984 巻 148 号 48-80
    発行日: 1984/12/21
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 船田 善之
    史学雑誌
    1999年 108 巻 9 号 1593-1618,1715-
    発行日: 1999/09/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Up until now, it has often been indicated that under the Yuan Dynasty, the inhabitants were divided into the Meng-gu(蒙古), Se-mu(色目), Han-ren(漢人), and Nan-ren(南人), and that this division was a ranking system. Under this "four class system", the Han-ren and Nan-ren were not free from official or social restraints under Meng-gu and Se-mu, who were the privilege classes. Such has been an accepted theory. "The four class system" is one of the presuppositions about how we interpret these four categories. In this article, the author examines the term, concept and category of "Se-mu". Since he could not find any terms or ideas corresponding to "Se-mu" in the non-Chinese primary sources, he concludes that it was the Chinese who created the term. He then verifies that the category of "Se-mu" was created because it was necessary that Chinese and non-Chinese be divided under the Yuan system. The "Se-mu" consisted of various peoples in terms of ethnicity, culture, or religion. They were permitted to follow ben-su-fa(本俗法); i.e. their own peculiar customs and laws. The fact that such a mixed group of peoples were placed into a single category is the proof that Chinese created this general term for people who did not apply to Han-fa(漢法); i.e. Chinese law. This character of "Se-mu" forces us to reconsider the accepted theory of "the four class system". Also, not a few questions arise about speific cases and institutions that have interpreted on the basis of such a "system". From now on, we should reconsider all kinds of problems: for example, the appointment of officials including ke-ju(科挙), kesik, and yin-xu(蔭叙); the taxation system; the system of family and registration; the legal system including yue-hui(約会); and the consciousness or identity of each people living under Yuan Dynasty.
  • 西村 陽子
    内陸アジア史研究
    2008年 23 巻 1-24
    発行日: 2008/03/31
    公開日: 2017/10/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 李 潤馥
    社会情報学
    2016年 5 巻 1 号 107-121
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2016/11/22
    ジャーナル フリー

    韓国では朝鮮王朝時代から父系血縁,学縁,地縁が発達し,これは韓国社会の都市化,高度成長の過程で大きな影響を及ぼしてきた。特に1990年代後半から血縁,学縁,地縁が韓国社会の代表的な社会関係資本と指摘される中で、情報化の進展とともに韓国のオンライン上には数多くのカフェと呼ばれる様々な宗親,同窓会,郷友会インターネットコミュニティが構成されてきた。そこで本研究ではアンケート調査を通じて,宗親,同窓会,郷友会カフェへの加入時期,参加頻度,そして投稿頻度と三つの変数,即ち1)現実世界の門中・宗親会,同窓会,郷友会活動への参加,2)日頃親しくつきあっている親戚,同窓生,同郷人の数,3)人間関係の効用性に対する認識との関連について検討した。その結果,加入時期は同窓会活動への参加,日頃親しくつきあっている同窓生の数のみと統計的に有意な関連があり,加入時期が早いほど同窓会活動への参加回数及び日頃親しくつきあっている同窓生の数が多いということがわかった。しかし,加入時期とその他の変数は何れも統計的にほとんど無関係である。一方,参加頻度及び投稿頻度は二つとも三つの変数と統計的に有意な関連があった。宗親,同窓会,郷友会カフェへの参加頻度が多いほど,現実世界の門中・宗親会,同窓会,郷友会活動への参加が盛んであり,それらの人間関係は日頃親しくつきあっている親戚,同窓生,同郷人の数が多く,相互利益意識や実力主義の認知が深まっている。それを裏付けるように投稿頻度の分析結果も同様であった。これは韓国でインターネットコミュニティの普及とともに,血縁,学縁,地縁と係わる活動が活性化し,血縁,学縁,地縁が一次的な人間関係としての性格と共に,社会的な人間関係としての性格も併せ持っていることを示唆していると言える。

  • ――ラフの事例――
    片岡 樹
    東南アジア研究
    2015年 53 巻 1 号 100-136
    発行日: 2015/07/31
    公開日: 2017/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper examines the recent development of cross-national and cross-ethnic movement of worshipping Khruba Bunchum, a charismatic Theravada monk who has been working along the Thai-Burmese borderlands, from the viewpoint of the highlanders and their relationship with modern nation states. Khruba Bunchum has become famous among the Lahu on the hills of Thailand and Myanmar since the 1990s when a Lahu “man-god” assisted his meditation. After that some cults of the Lahu joined the Bunchum movement and discovered that he is a reincarnation of the past saints of their prophetic tradition. The Lahu legend narrates that these past saints used miraculous power to defend their theocracies against the modern states of China and Burma. In this context, for the Lahu, the Bunchum movement articulates their longing for redemption of “lost kingdoms.” The Bunchum movement itself also shows some aspects of “state evasion,” in terms that Bunchum has been active outside state control of the Sangha. However, at the same time, from another perspective, the Bunchum movement among the upland minorities is equally viewed as a showcase of Buddhist propagation program initiated by both governments of Thailand and Burma. The nature of the Bunchum movement is still ambivalent, for such contradicting functions of the movement in regard to nation-states are working at the same time and at the same field. However, it is this contradiction which contributes to the multi-dimensional aspect of the Bunchum movement, which has gained a wide range of supporters from both the centers and peripheries of the state.
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